シャドーイング練習: (Français) 🇫🇷 France - President Addresses United Nations General Debate, 77th Session | #UNGA - 動画で英語スピーキングを学ぶ

The Assembly will hear and address by His Excellency Emmanuel Macron, President of the French Republic, a request protocol to escort His Excellency.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honor to welcome His Excellency Emmanuel Macron, President of the French Republic,

and to invite him to address the Assembly.

Mr. President of the General Assembly, Madam Secretary General Adjutant of the United Nations, Mesdames and Messieurs the Chiefs of the government, Mesdames and Messieurs the Ministries,

Mesdames and Messieurs the Ambassadors, it is an honor for me to take the word to this Assembly to carry the voice of France.

And now I think to those who have fought in my country, but also everywhere in the world, for precisely that France is free.

Those who have estimated that the destiny of Europe could not be indifferent in other times, and that they come from Africa,

from Asia, from the Océanie or from the Americas, because a part of their freedom, like the future of the world, is so fun.

I think those who have written our chart and built the walls of this organization to conjure the worst,

once it was at two times in the XXe siècle, inflicted to the whole humanity of endless suffering.

We never forget this debt.

She serves the interests of all our countries and shows us the path of peace.

She reminds us that there are no other legitimate and durable power than the ones that nations decide sovereignly in our union.

She tells us that the universality of our organisation is at the service of no of no oligarchies.

Or, this heritage, our organisation, and our choices as nations,

are today confronts to an alternative.

We have today to make a simple choice, that is the war or the peace.

The 24 February last, Russia, member permanent of the Security Council, has broken by an act of aggression,

invasion and annexion our collective security.

It has deliberately violated the Charte of Nations Unies and the principle of sovereignty sovereignty of the États.

Dès le 16 mars, la Cour internationale de justice a déclaré l'agression russe illégale et a exigé le retrait de la Russie.

La Russie a décidé, ce faisant, d'ouvrir la voie à d'autres guerres d'annexion,

aujourd'hui en Europe, but maybe tomorrow in Asia, Africa or Latin America.

We can say everything we want today.

I've heard a lot of debates, I've heard a lot of words.

It is one thing sure and certain.

When I talk about you, there are Russian troops in Ukraine and, in my knowledge, there are no Ukrainian troops.

It's a state of fact and we must all look at it.

Plus cette guerre dure, plus elle devient menaçante pour la paix en Europe, mais aussi pour celle du monde.

Elle nous conduit vers une conflictualité élargie, permanente, où la souveraineté et la sécurité de chacun ne dépend plus que de rapports de force,

de taille des armées, de la solidité des alliances ou des intentions des groupes armés et des milices.

Où ceux qui se considèrent comme forts cherchent à soumettre par tous les moyens which they consider as weak.

This to which we have assisted since the last 24th of February is a return to the imperialism and colonies.

France refuses to seek obstinately peace.

On the right of our position is clear, and it is in service of this position

that I assume the dialogue carried out with Russia I will continue to assume that I will continue to assume the war.

Because it is so that we will be able to find peace.

We will be able to find peace in the years and months that have preceded the conflict.

We will be able to find peace in the 24th of February.

We will be able to find peace in the Ukrainian community

that we bring to the Ukrainian people to exercise his right of legitimate defense and preserve his freedom.

The search of peace by our condemnation of invasion of a sovereign state, of violation of the principles of our collective security,

of crimes of war committed by Russia on the Ukrainian soil, and by our refusal of impunity.

The international justice should establish the crimes and judge the coupable.

the search of the peace, finally, by our desire to endiguate the geographic and intensity of the war.

It is to help us to support the international agency

of the atom energy efforts to prevent the consequences of the war on the security and security of the war, as we will do tomorrow,

with the Ukrainians, whose sovereignty on their centrales would not be discussed.

We have obtained an mission of the agency to get on the ground and establish a relationship in a way independent.

We work together to prevent the risk of an accident whose consequences would be devastating.

We all know here that only an agreement respecting international rights will allow the peace.

A negotiation will not be possible if,

sovereignly, Ukraine wants and Russia accept it.

We know all that a negotiation will not be able if the sovereignty of Ukraine is respected,

its own territory, its own security, its own security.

The Russia must now hear that she would impose a little bit of a desire by military means,

even in joining with cynicism,

the simulacres of referendum in the territories bombarded and now occupied.

It is a problem to say to the members of the security council and to the members of the Security Council

to say, oh, it's clear, and members of this Assembly to support us on this path of peace.

I call this tribune, members of the United Nations to act so that Russia will return to the war,

measure the cost for herself and for us all, and put a term to her aggression.

It is not here to choose a camp between the East and the West, nor between the North and the South.

It is the responsibility of all those who are attached to the respect of the chart

and our most precious bien, the peace. Because beyond the war,

it is a risk of division of the world which is due to the direct and indirect consequences of conflict.

I know that in this Assembly, many nourrissent a feeling of injustice face on the energy,

economic, economic consequences of the war led by Russia.

I know that some countries here represent are also in a form of neutrality regarding this war.

But I will say with the most great netted today, who would like to be able to fight against the non-aligners and refuse to express clearly,

is wrong and takes a historical responsibility.

The non-aligners was a fight for peace.

The non-aligners were a fight for the power of the United States, for the territorial integrity of each one.

The non-aligners were a fight against the people.

Those who are today serve, even though they, or secretly, with a certain complicity, the cause of a new imperialism,

of a contemporary cynicism which disaggregate our international order, without which the peace is possible.

The Russia is employed to install the idea, today, of a double standard.

But the war in Ukraine should not be a conflict indifference for no one.

It is close for the Europeans who have chosen to support Ukraine without entering war with Russia.

It is far away for many of you, but we have all the consequences directs.

And we have all a role to play to put a term, because we pay all the price.

By its foundation, this war launched by Russia is a big issue of our organisation,

a big issue of the only international order possible.

the only to be able to guarantee the peace, that is to be the respect of national sovereignty and of the intangibility of the borders.

In this regard, we don't know why and consequences,

who can defend the idea that the invasion of Ukraine does not justify any sanctions?

Who of you could consider that The day when something like something, made by a more powerful neighbor,

the silence of the region and the world would be the best of the answers.

Who can support it?

Who can believe that it would be worth the war to win this war for

that we don't have to pass anything else?

Nothing.

The contemporary imperialism is not European or Western.

It takes form a territorial invasion, adossés à une guerre hybride mondialisée qui utilise le prix de l'énergie,

la sécurité alimentaire, la sûreté nucléaire,

l'accès à l'information et les mouvements de population comme des armes de division et de destruction.

C'est en cela que cette guerre porte atteinte à nos souverainetés à tous.

Aussi, la France se tiendra aux côtés des peuples libres des Nations unies pour faire face aux conséquences consequences of the conflict, as to all the inequalities who believe in the law,

in the way of the logic of bloc or exclusive alliances.

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Because beyond the direct consequences of the war, the risk of today's today is that of a new part of the world.

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Some would make us think that there would be, one of the West, who would defend the values of its interests in the service of its interests,

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and the other side, the rest of the world who has suffered

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and seeks to cooperate in supporting the war or in turning the gaze.

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I recuse this division for at least two reasons.

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The first, by principle, and I just mentioned it, our organization has a value of universal values.

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We don't let ourselves not to the idea sourde that there would be something regional, adaptable.

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Notre organisation a bien des valeurs universelles, et la division face à la guerre en Ukraine est simple.

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Êtes-vous pour ou contre la loi du plus fort, le non-respect de l'intégrité territoriale des pays et de la souveraineté nationale ?

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Êtes-vous pour ou contre l'impunité ?

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Je ne conçois aucun ordre international ni paix durable

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qui ne puisse être fondé sur le respect des peuples on the respect of the people and the principle of responsibility.

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So yes, our values are universelles, and it's for that they never must be in service of a power who violates these principles.

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And when, in the last years, we have taken the liberties with these same values, we have wronged.

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But this would not be justified to throw to the foot what we have collectively built after World War II.

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And when I hear Russia say that they are prepared to work at new cooperation, at a new international order,

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without aegémonie, the best thing to do, but on what principle?

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The invasion of the neighbors?

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The non-respect of the borders of the one who doesn't like it?

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What is this order?

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Who is today hegémonic, if it's Russia?

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What do we propose?

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What do we want?

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Quel rêve vant-on sur la bonne foi de certaines et certains ici ?

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Rien qui ne tienne longtemps.

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Ne cédons pas au cynisme qui désagrège l'ordre qui nous a construit et permet seuls de tenir la stabilité internationale,

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car ces valeurs qui sont les nôtres, le respect de la souveraineté nationale, de l'intégrité des frontières, je le dis,

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nous avons eu tort à chaque fois que nous avons pris des licences avec elles.

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but these are the values that we have built after the Second World War, after the colonialism.

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We refuse to make history because today we are touched other geographies.

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And we don't know that.

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The second reason of my opposition to this tentative of partition of the world is pragmatic.

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In fact, behind the nations of the divisions, there is a tentative of partition of the world which is a strong tensions between the United States and China.

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And it is, in my eyes, a funest mistake for us all.

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Because this would not be a new war.

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Several puissance of disand and disand and disand joues of this period to multiply the regional conflicts,

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reprendre the path of nuclear proliferation and to make the collective collapse.

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I think we must do everything to do to make this new division not come out.

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Because our challenges are more and more and urgent and need new cooperation.

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Look at Pakistan.

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One third of the country is under the water, more 1400 deaths, 1300 deaths, millions of people in emergency situations.

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Look at the Africa of the world, the worst sea for 40 years, and a season of rain will be worse.

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Half of humanity lives in the climate zone.

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Our ecosystems reach the non-retour point.

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Look, in Somalia, in Yemen, in Sudan, in Afghanistan, the famine comes back.

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The food crisis hits everywhere, and the most difficult, the most.

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345 millions de personnes dans le monde sont en situation de faim aiguë, dont 153 millions d'enfants.

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55 guerres civiles sont en cours sur notre planète.

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100 millions de personnes sont déplacées, alors qu'entre 1990 et 2015, 137 000 personnes échappaient chaque jour à l'extrême pauvreté.

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345 millions pourraient y tomber d'ici 2030 dans les pays touchés par les conflits.

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Face aux crises, aux dérèglements climatiques, à la pandémie, à la montée des prix de l'alimentation,

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les plus vulnérables sont toujours les plus touchés.

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Les menaces sont toujours là, en plus de tout cela.

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Les terrorismes qui touchent, entre autres, le Sahel comme le Moyen-Orient,

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la prolifération nucléaire en Iran comme en Corée du Nord, que nous n'avons pas réussi à endiguer.

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Telles are our urgent.

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And the cavalcade description that I just wanted to make is not exhaustive, but they are every time where the result of deep defiance of our international system,

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which has been accompanied by the benefits of the mondialization, but has not been in danger of these fractures,

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these threats, these barriers, or the consequences of our division between us.

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Our common responsibility is rather to help the most fragile and the most touched to face all these challenges.

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Narendra Modi, the Prime Minister of the India, has had the right to say, the time is not at war.

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It is not at the revenge against the Occident, nor at the opposition of the West against the rest.

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It is the collective of our sovereign and sovereign countries and is faced with the contemporary challenges.

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That's why it is urgent to build a new contract between the North and the South,

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a effective and respectful for the alimentation, for the climate and biodiversity, for education.

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The time is not at the block, but to build a concrete coalition,

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which allows us to concilify legitimate and common interests.

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Face the global food crisis, France has already doubled its funding to the World Food Program.

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We have built, with the European Union,

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the solidarity corridors, which have allowed to evacuate more than 10 million tons of céréales by the way terrestrial, since the spring last spring.

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This was ultimately completed by the 22 July, which was made by the Secretary General of the United Nations,

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which has allowed to evacuate 2,4 million tonnes by the Black Sea and which continues.

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We have brought the initiative Farm, which allows to provide vulnerable countries vulnerable to low price,

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without political conditions, and to invest in the agricultural production of countries who want to leave the independence.

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I also announce that France will also be able to evacuate the Ukrainian blood to the destination of Somalia,

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in relation to the World Health Organization.

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We will do it with solidarity, efficacy and demand of transparency.

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Tomorrow, we will reunite the African Union, the United Nations, the World Economic Organization,

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the FMI, the development and the European Commission to build a viable mechanism for access to the Anglais for Africa,

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in addition to the initiatives of the Secretary General on this point.

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On the climate and biodiversity, in a few weeks, we will be able to find out at COP27 in Egypt.

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Soyons clear, here also, on what is just transition.

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Our first collective combat is the eradication of carbon.

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The crisis does not make us lose the cap.

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If we don't leave it, we will surpass more than the predictions that we say 2 degrees Celsius.

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I'm ready to invest in the financials of digital jet, like we have done with Africa in the South, it is a few months ago.

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And we have to continue this logic.

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But the Chinese and the great emerging must take a clear decision to the COP.

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It is implying.

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We must build, at this point, around the great emerging, coalitions of state actors, with our great financial institutions international,

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to build a complete solution of energy production and change models of production industrial, which will only allow these transitions.

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Then, the G7 must take an example.

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The countries the richest must accelerate their carbon program, but also make efforts to sobriety and share the green technologies.

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You know in the matter, we can count on the European Union.

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I also believe that it is necessary to recognize that for the poor countries,

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a difficult to act in the same time for the struggle against the poverty and the acceleration of the transition.

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We can't ask the same thing to the South Africa, where 600 millions of people who have no access to electricity and to the great emitters.

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That's why the financial solidarity,

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the technological solidarity of the richest people should be strengthened on the climate against the poorest countries.

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We should be able to provide funding, to provide solutions and to accelerate this agenda, as we have done before the pandemic,

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but in a way even stronger, more effective, more resolute.

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We also have to protect ourselves our carbon-puit and our treasures of biodiversity.

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The France will be able to join the Costa Rica the Conference of the United Nations for the Ocean in 2025.

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Let's do the COP21 of the Ocean. On the health.

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We must learn from the COVID-19 pandemic.

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In this regard, we must recognize that our first line of defense, are the systems and the health personnel in the most fragile countries.

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I will insist on this crucial point during the Reconstruction of the World Fund for the Sida, the tuberculosis and the paludism,

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which France will remain one of the first contributors.

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We also have to ensure that the OMS puts well in place the quick alert systems

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that we need to prevent the spread of other viruses.

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And we have to treat together, human and animal health.

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This is the sense of the initiative of the only health initiative that France has with several others.

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As we do with the World Partnership for Education, We continue our efforts to make children a school after a pandemic which is deprived of the pandemic.

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We are going to be able to fight against all the inequalities and work for our future.

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You see, on all these issues, it's more cooperation, these are partners between the West and the South, between the North and the South that we need to develop.

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It's more engagement of our great institutions.

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But all of this is the inverse of a division that we want to install.

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Who, during the pandemic, was there?

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Who proposed funding for climate change?

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Not those who today propose a new order international and who didn't have a vaccine that works,

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who were little solidaires and who didn't bring anything to climate.

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Face all these challenges, who are ours collectively, We must be more solid,

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cooperate more, but in no case ceder to the waves that are not anywhere.

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To arrive, we must also be lucid on the situation of the poorest countries and the average countries,

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whether in Africa, on the South America continent, in Asia or in the Pacific.

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The pandemic has still accrued the inequalities.

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The war and its consequences are the difficulties for many of these countries.

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The G20 must therefore have to take the objective that it gave last year, to mobilize 100 milliards of dollars to a law of tirages.

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But we must go further and further forward.

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First, on the basis of these emissions of law of tirages specials, we must put in the work what we are engaged.

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Tant of countries, in particular in Africa, they haven't yet seen this money.

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And we can't explain that a Parlement's fault, that a rule that prevents them.

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It's impossible.

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We will arrive too late, but we have to go further, because the difficulty is even bigger.

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So we have to pass 30% of the allocation of our rights

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to profit of the African countries and the most poor countries everywhere.

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And we have, with the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund, to re-engager our devices which are no longer adapted to the current context.

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The rules that we apply today are the rules of the 1980s.

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The situation of our planet, post-Covid-19, with an accelerated climate change and an effusion of biodiversity,

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and in reason of the war, accroît nos exigences de solidarité.

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Il nous faut un nouveau pacte financier avec le Sud.

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Voilà notre vraie ligne de front, celle qui doit nous rassembler, non pas contre un ennemi commun, non pas contre des histoires fausses ou des révisions historiques,

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mais pour la planète que nous habitons tous et pour l'égalité des chances à l'échelle de l'humanité.

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Ce combat, c'est le nôtre, c'est celui qui nous réunit tous.

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It is simply to make a little more effort, to be able to agree with our agreements, to be respectful and respectful each other.

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But this fight, which is true, if we are not able to lead together, will be the source of all the fractures and conflicts to come.

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I invite all those who want to build this new contract with us

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to come to the Paris Forum for the Paaix next 11 November, to prepare the G20 of Bali and to advance together,

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without ever refusing to give values and to the principles that guide us.

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Allons to the essential.

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We do not want to be fragmented and to the rise of the world

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and to the rise of the threats to the peace.

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We do not allow that the crisis is addition, that the conflict without solutions are multiplied and that they are massive weapons of destruction.

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These are so many risks that we will not be able to handle more in the future without associating the regional puissance.

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It is precisely this work of association of regional puissance that we want to do in the Middle East,

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ensuring the following of the Baghdad conference that we have held in 2019, for the stability of Iraq, for the Lebanon and all the region.

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The members of the P5 are no longer the ones to have their words to say.

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And if they have, and they have it, it can't work anymore

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if we are able to do more in order to be able to do more on international consensus necessary to peace.

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That's why I wish we finally engage the reform of the Security Council,

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to be more representative, to be able to support new members permanent and remains capable of playing all his role

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in limiting the recourse of veto in case of mass crime.

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What we need to do together is to build peace and international contemporary peace, in service of our objectives.

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On this path, the United Nations will be able to count on France.

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Sur ce chemin, chaque pays ici présent pourra indéfectiblement compter sur la France.

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Je vous remercie.

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request protocol to escort His Excellency.

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We have heard the last speaker for this meeting.

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The fifth plenary meeting will continue the general debate at 3pm.

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The meeting is adjourned.

シャドーイングとは？英語上達に効果的な理由

シャドーイング（Shadowing）は、もともとプロの通訳者養成プログラムで開発された言語学習法で、多言語習得者として知られるDr. Alexander Arguelles によって広く普及されました。方法はシンプルですが非常に効果的：ネイティブスピーカーの英語を聞きながら、1〜2秒の遅延で声に出してすぐに繰り返す——まるで「影（shadow）」のように話者を追いかけます。文法ドリルや受動的なリスニングと異なり、シャドーイングは脳と口の筋肉が同時にリアルタイムで英語を処理・再現することを強制します。研究により、発音精度、抑揚、リズム、連音、リスニング力、そして会話の流暢さが大幅に向上することが確認されています。IELTSスピーキング対策や自然な英語コミュニケーションを目指す方に特におすすめです。

シャドーイング練習: (Français) 🇫🇷 France - President Addresses United Nations General Debate, 77th Session | #UNGA - 動画で英語スピーキングを学ぶ

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シャドーイングとは？英語上達に効果的な理由