シャドーイング練習: In full: Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney's speech at the World Economic Forum in Davos - 動画で英語スピーキングを学ぶ

レッスンを作成中...
1
It seems that every day we're reminded that we live in an era of great power rivalry,
2
that the rules -based order is fading, that the strong can do what they can and the weak must suffer what they must.
3
And this aphorism of Thucydides is presented as inevitable, as the natural logic of international relations reasserting itself.
4
And faced with this logic, there is a strong tendency for countries to go along to get along,
5
to accommodate, to avoid trouble, to hope that compliance will buy safety.
6
Well, it won't.
7
So what are our options?
8
In 1978, the Czech dissident Václav Havel, later president, wrote an essay called The Power of the Powerless.
9
And in it, he asked a simple question, how did the communist system sustain itself?
10
And his answer began with a greengrocer.
11
Every morning, this shopkeeper places a sign in his window, workers of the world unite.
12
He doesn't believe it.
13
No one does.
14
But he places the sign anyway to avoid trouble, to signal compliance, to get along.
15
And because every shopkeeper on every street does the same, the system persists.
16
Not through violence alone, but through the participation of ordinary people in rituals they privately know to be false.
17
Havel called this living within a lie.
18
The system's power comes not from its truth but from everyone's willingness to perform as if it were true.
19
And its fragility comes from the same source.
20
When even one person stops performing, when the greengrocer removes his sign, the illusion begins to crack.
21
Friends, it is time for companies and countries to take their signs down.
22
For decades, countries like Canada prospered under what we called the rules -based international order.
23
We joined its institutions, we praised its principles, we benefited from its predictability.
24
And because of that, we could pursue values -based foreign policies under its protection.
25
We knew the story of the international rules -based order was partially false, that the strongest would exempt themselves when convenient,
26
that trade rules were enforced asymmetrically,
27
and we knew that international law applied with varying rigor depending on the identity of the accused or the victim.
28
This fiction was useful, and American hegemony in particular helped provide public goods, open sea lanes, a stable financial system,
29
collective security and support for frameworks for resolving disputes.
30
So we placed the sign in the window.
31
We participated in the rituals.
32
And we largely avoided calling out the gaps between rhetoric and reality.
33
This bargain no longer works.
34
Let me be direct.
35
We are in the midst of a rupture, not a transition.
36
Over the past two decades, a series of crises in finance, health, energy and geopolitics have laid bare the risks of extreme global integration.
37
But more recently, great powers have begun using economic integration as weapons.
38
Tariffs as leverage, financial infrastructure as coercion, supply chains as vulnerabilities to be exploited.
39
You cannot live within the lie of mutual benefit through integration when integration becomes the source of your subordination.
40
The multilateral institutions on which the middle powers have relied, the WTO, the UN, the COP,
41
the architecture, the very architecture of collective problem solving are under threat.
42
And as a result, many countries are drawing the same conclusions, that they must develop greater strategic autonomy in energy,
43
food, critical minerals, in finance and supply chains.
44
And this impulse is understandable.
45
A country that can't feed itself, fuel itself or defend itself has few options.
46
When the rules no longer protect you, you must protect yourself.
47
But let's be clear -eyed about where this leads.
48
A world of fortresses will be poorer, more fragile, and less sustainable.
49
And there's another truth.
50
If great powers abandon even the pretense of rules and values for the unhindered pursuit of their power and interests,
51
the gains from transactionalism will become harder to replicate.
52
Hegemons cannot continually monetize their relationships.
53
allies will diversify to hedge against uncertainty.
54
They'll buy insurance, increase options, in order to rebuild sovereignty.
55
Sovereignty that was once grounded in rules but will increasingly be anchored in the ability to withstand pressure.
56
This room knows this is classic risk management.
57
Risk management comes at a price.
58
But that cost of strategic autonomy, of sovereignty, can also be shared.
59
Collective investments in resilience are cheaper than everyone building their own fortresses.
60
Shared standards reduce fragmentations.
61
Complementarities are positive some.
62
And the question for middle powers like Canada is not whether to adapt to the new reality.
63
We must.
64
The question is whether we adapt by simply building higher walls or whether we can do something more ambitious.
65
Now, Canada was amongst the first to hear the wake -up call, leading us to fundamentally shift our strategic posture.
66
Canadians know that our old, comfortable assumptions, that our geography and alliance memberships automatically conferred prosperity and security.
67
that assumption is no longer valid.
68
And our new approach rests on what Alexander Stubb, the president of Finland, has termed value -based realism.
69
Or to put another way, we aim to be both principled and pragmatic.
70
Principled in our commitment to fundamental values, sovereignty, territorial integrity, the prohibition of the use of force except when consistent with the UN Charter,
71
and respect for human rights.
72
And pragmatic in recognizing that progress is often incremental,
73
that interests diverge, that not every partner will share all of our values.
74
So we're engaging broadly, strategically, with open eyes.
75
We actively take on the world as it is, not wait around for a world we wish to be.
76
We are calibrating our relationships so their depth reflects our values.
77
And we're prioritizing broad engagement to maximize our influence, and given the fluidity of the world at the moment, the risks that this poses,
78
and the stakes for what comes next.
79
And we are no longer just relying on the strength of our values, but also the value of our strength.
80
We are building that strength at home.
81
Since my government took office, we have cut taxes on incomes on capital gains and business investment.
82
We have removed all federal barriers to interprovincial trade.
83
We are fast -tracking a trillion dollars of investments in energy, AI, critical minerals, new trade corridors and beyond.
84
We're doubling our defense spending by the end of this decade, and we're doing so in ways that build our domestic industries.
85
And we are rapidly diversifying abroad.
86
We have agreed a comprehensive strategic partnership with the EU, including joining SAFE, the European Defence Procurement Arrangements.
87
We have signed 12 other trade and security deals on four continents in six months.
88
In the past few days, we have concluded new strategic partnerships with China and Qatar.
89
We are negotiating free trade pact with India, ASEAN, Thailand, Philippines and Mercosur.
90
We're doing something else.
91
To help solve global problems, we're pursuing variable geometry.
92
In other words, different coalitions for different issues based on common values and interests.
93
So on Ukraine, we're a core member of the Coalition of the Willing
94
and one of the largest per capita contributors to its defense and security.
95
On Arctic sovereignty, we stand firmly with Greenland and Denmark and fully support their unique right to determine Greenland's future.
96
Our commitment to NATO's Article 5 is unwavering.
97
So we're working with our NATO allies, including the Nordic Baltic Gate, to further secure the Alliance's northern and western flanks,
98
including through Canada's unprecedented investments in over -the -horizon radar, in submarines, in aircraft, and boots on the ground.
99
Boots on the ice.
100
Canada strongly opposes tariffs over Greenland
101
and calls for focused talks to achieve our shared objectives of security and prosperity in the Arctic.
102
On plurilateral trade, we're championing efforts to build a bridge between the Trans -Pacific Partnership and the European Union,
103
which would create a new trading block of 1 .5 billion people.
104
On critical minerals, we're forming buyer's clubs anchored in the G7 so that the world can diversify away from concentrated supply.
105
And on AI,
106
we're cooperating with like -minded democracies to ensure that we won't ultimately be forced to choose between hegemons and hyperscalers.
107
This is not naive multilateralism, nor is it relying on their institutions.
108
It's building coalitions that work, issues by issue, with partners who share enough common ground to act together.
109
In some cases, this will be the vast majority of nations.
110
What it's doing is creating a dense web of connections across trade investment culture
111
on which we can draw for future challenges and opportunities.
112
I argue that middle powers must act together because if we're not at the table, we're on the menu.
113
But I'd also say that great powers can afford for now to go it alone.
114
They have the market size, the military capacity, and the leverage to dictate terms.
115
Middle powers do not.
116
But when we only negotiate bilaterally with a hegemon, we negotiate from weakness.
117
We accept what's offered.
118
We compete with each other to be the most accommodating.
119
This is not sovereignty.
120
It's the performance of sovereignty while accepting subordination.
121
In a world of great power rivalry, the countries in between have a choice.
122
Compete with each other for favor or to combine to create a third path with impact.
123
We shouldn't allow the rise of hard power to blind us to the fact that the power of legitimacy,
124
integrity and rules will remain strong if we choose to wield them together.
125
Which brings me back to Havel.
126
What does it mean for middle powers to live the truth?
127
First, it means naming reality.
128
Stop invoking rules -based international order as though it still functions as advertised.
129
Call it what it is, a system of intensifying great power rivalry where the most powerful pursue their interests using economic integration as coercion.
130
It means acting consistently, applying the same standards to allies and rivals.
131
When middle powers criticize economic intimidation from one direction but stay silent when it comes from another, we are keeping the sign in the window.
132
It means building what we claim to believe in.
133
Rather than waiting for the old order to be restored, it means creating institutions and agreements that function as described.
134
And it means reducing the leverage that enables coercion.
135
That's building a strong domestic economy.
136
It should be every government's immediate priority.
137
And diversification internationally is not just economic prudence, it's a material foundation for honest foreign policy.
138
Because countries earn the right to principled stands by reducing their vulnerability to retaliation. So Canada.
139
Canada has what the world wants.
140
We are an energy superpower.
141
We hold vast reserves of critical minerals.
142
We have the most educated population in the world.
143
Our pension funds are amongst the world's largest and most sophisticated investors.
144
In other words, we have capital talent.
145
We also have a government with immense fiscal capacity to act decisively.
146
And we have the values to which many others aspire.
147
Canada is a pluralistic society that works.
148
Our public square is loud, diverse, and free.
149
Canadians remain committed to sustainability.
150
We are a stable and reliable partner in a world that is anything but.
151
A partner that builds and values relationships for the long term.
152
And we have something else.
153
We have a recognition of what's happening and a determination to act accordingly.
154
We understand that this rupture calls for more than adaptation.
155
It calls for honesty about the world as it is.
156
We are taking the sign out of the window.
157
We know the old order is not coming back.
158
We shouldn't mourn it.
159
Nostalgia is not a strategy.
160
But we believe that from the fracture we can build something bigger, better, stronger, more just.
161
This is the task of the middle powers.
162
The countries that have the most to lose from a world of fortresses and the most to gain from genuine cooperation.
163
The powerful have their power.
164
But we have something too.
165
The capacity to stop pretending.
166
To name reality.
167
To build our strength at home and to act together.
168
That is Canada's path.
169
We choose it openly and confidently, and it is a path wide open to any country willing to take it with us.
170
Thank you very much.

このクリップのスピーキング目標

国際会議での公式スピーチの流れを理解し、論理的な議論を展開するための表現力を養うことが目標です。特に「shadow speech」（シャドースピーチ）の練習に最適で、リズムや抑揚を真似ることで、ネイティブのような流暢さを身につけることができます。政治・国際関係に関する専門的な語彙を使いながら、説得力のある発言をする能力を向上させます。

フレーズバンク

  • 「rules-based order」（ルールベースの秩序）
  • 「go along to get along」（なんとかなるように従う）
  • 「living within a lie」（嘘の中で生きる）
  • 「strategic autonomy」（戦略的自律性）
  • 「collective problem solving」（集合的な問題解決）

これらのフレーズは、ディベートや討論、公式な場での発言に役立ちます。「shadow speak」の練習時に繰り返し口に出し、自然に使えるようにしましょう。

弱点を直そう

このビデオは「英語の発音を良くする」だけでなく、リズムと抑揚の改善にも効果的です。スピーチでは長い文が続き、強調すべきキーワード（例えば「fragility」「rupture」）があります。「shadow speech」の技法を使い、発音のアクセントやポーズを正確に真似ることで、聞き手に伝わりやすい発言スタイルを身につけられます。特に「asymmetrically」「vulnerabilities」などの長い単語の発音を練習し、滑らかに繋げることが重要です。

シャドーイングとは？英語上達に効果的な理由

シャドーイング（Shadowing）は、もともとプロの通訳者養成プログラムで開発された言語学習法で、多言語習得者として知られるDr. Alexander Arguelles によって広く普及されました。方法はシンプルですが非常に効果的：ネイティブスピーカーの英語を聞きながら、1〜2秒の遅延で声に出してすぐに繰り返す——まるで「影（shadow）」のように話者を追いかけます。文法ドリルや受動的なリスニングと異なり、シャドーイングは脳と口の筋肉が同時にリアルタイムで英語を処理・再現することを強制します。研究により、発音精度、抑揚、リズム、連音、リスニング力、そして会話の流暢さが大幅に向上することが確認されています。IELTSスピーキング対策や自然な英語コミュニケーションを目指す方に特におすすめです。