Prática de Shadowing: In full: Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney's speech at the World Economic Forum in Davos - Aprenda a falar inglês com vídeo
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It seems that every day we're reminded that we live in an era of great power rivalry,
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that the rules -based order is fading, that the strong can do what they can and the weak must suffer what they must.
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And this aphorism of Thucydides is presented as inevitable, as the natural logic of international relations reasserting itself.
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And faced with this logic, there is a strong tendency for countries to go along to get along,
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to accommodate, to avoid trouble, to hope that compliance will buy safety.
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Well, it won't.
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So what are our options?
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In 1978, the Czech dissident Václav Havel, later president, wrote an essay called The Power of the Powerless.
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And in it, he asked a simple question, how did the communist system sustain itself?
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And his answer began with a greengrocer.
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Every morning, this shopkeeper places a sign in his window, workers of the world unite.
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He doesn't believe it.
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No one does.
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But he places the sign anyway to avoid trouble, to signal compliance, to get along.
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And because every shopkeeper on every street does the same, the system persists.
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Not through violence alone, but through the participation of ordinary people in rituals they privately know to be false.
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Havel called this living within a lie.
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The system's power comes not from its truth but from everyone's willingness to perform as if it were true.
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And its fragility comes from the same source.
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When even one person stops performing, when the greengrocer removes his sign, the illusion begins to crack.
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Friends, it is time for companies and countries to take their signs down.
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For decades, countries like Canada prospered under what we called the rules -based international order.
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We joined its institutions, we praised its principles, we benefited from its predictability.
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And because of that, we could pursue values -based foreign policies under its protection.
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We knew the story of the international rules -based order was partially false, that the strongest would exempt themselves when convenient,
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that trade rules were enforced asymmetrically,
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and we knew that international law applied with varying rigor depending on the identity of the accused or the victim.
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This fiction was useful, and American hegemony in particular helped provide public goods, open sea lanes, a stable financial system,
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collective security and support for frameworks for resolving disputes.
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So we placed the sign in the window.
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We participated in the rituals.
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And we largely avoided calling out the gaps between rhetoric and reality.
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This bargain no longer works.
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Let me be direct.
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We are in the midst of a rupture, not a transition.
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Over the past two decades, a series of crises in finance, health, energy and geopolitics have laid bare the risks of extreme global integration.
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But more recently, great powers have begun using economic integration as weapons.
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Tariffs as leverage, financial infrastructure as coercion, supply chains as vulnerabilities to be exploited.
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You cannot live within the lie of mutual benefit through integration when integration becomes the source of your subordination.
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The multilateral institutions on which the middle powers have relied, the WTO, the UN, the COP,
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the architecture, the very architecture of collective problem solving are under threat.
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And as a result, many countries are drawing the same conclusions, that they must develop greater strategic autonomy in energy,
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food, critical minerals, in finance and supply chains.
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And this impulse is understandable.
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A country that can't feed itself, fuel itself or defend itself has few options.
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When the rules no longer protect you, you must protect yourself.
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But let's be clear -eyed about where this leads.
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A world of fortresses will be poorer, more fragile, and less sustainable.
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And there's another truth.
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If great powers abandon even the pretense of rules and values for the unhindered pursuit of their power and interests,
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the gains from transactionalism will become harder to replicate.
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Hegemons cannot continually monetize their relationships.
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allies will diversify to hedge against uncertainty.
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They'll buy insurance, increase options, in order to rebuild sovereignty.
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Sovereignty that was once grounded in rules but will increasingly be anchored in the ability to withstand pressure.
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This room knows this is classic risk management.
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Risk management comes at a price.
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But that cost of strategic autonomy, of sovereignty, can also be shared.
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Collective investments in resilience are cheaper than everyone building their own fortresses.
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Shared standards reduce fragmentations.
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Complementarities are positive some.
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And the question for middle powers like Canada is not whether to adapt to the new reality.
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We must.
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The question is whether we adapt by simply building higher walls or whether we can do something more ambitious.
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Now, Canada was amongst the first to hear the wake -up call, leading us to fundamentally shift our strategic posture.
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Canadians know that our old, comfortable assumptions, that our geography and alliance memberships automatically conferred prosperity and security.
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that assumption is no longer valid.
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And our new approach rests on what Alexander Stubb, the president of Finland, has termed value -based realism.
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Or to put another way, we aim to be both principled and pragmatic.
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Principled in our commitment to fundamental values, sovereignty, territorial integrity, the prohibition of the use of force except when consistent with the UN Charter,
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and respect for human rights.
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And pragmatic in recognizing that progress is often incremental,
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that interests diverge, that not every partner will share all of our values.
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So we're engaging broadly, strategically, with open eyes.
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We actively take on the world as it is, not wait around for a world we wish to be.
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We are calibrating our relationships so their depth reflects our values.
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And we're prioritizing broad engagement to maximize our influence, and given the fluidity of the world at the moment, the risks that this poses,
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and the stakes for what comes next.
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And we are no longer just relying on the strength of our values, but also the value of our strength.
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We are building that strength at home.
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Since my government took office, we have cut taxes on incomes on capital gains and business investment.
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We have removed all federal barriers to interprovincial trade.
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We are fast -tracking a trillion dollars of investments in energy, AI, critical minerals, new trade corridors and beyond.
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We're doubling our defense spending by the end of this decade, and we're doing so in ways that build our domestic industries.
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And we are rapidly diversifying abroad.
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We have agreed a comprehensive strategic partnership with the EU, including joining SAFE, the European Defence Procurement Arrangements.
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We have signed 12 other trade and security deals on four continents in six months.
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In the past few days, we have concluded new strategic partnerships with China and Qatar.
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We are negotiating free trade pact with India, ASEAN, Thailand, Philippines and Mercosur.
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We're doing something else.
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To help solve global problems, we're pursuing variable geometry.
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In other words, different coalitions for different issues based on common values and interests.
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So on Ukraine, we're a core member of the Coalition of the Willing
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and one of the largest per capita contributors to its defense and security.
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On Arctic sovereignty, we stand firmly with Greenland and Denmark and fully support their unique right to determine Greenland's future.
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Our commitment to NATO's Article 5 is unwavering.
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So we're working with our NATO allies, including the Nordic Baltic Gate, to further secure the Alliance's northern and western flanks,
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including through Canada's unprecedented investments in over -the -horizon radar, in submarines, in aircraft, and boots on the ground.
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Boots on the ice.
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Canada strongly opposes tariffs over Greenland
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and calls for focused talks to achieve our shared objectives of security and prosperity in the Arctic.
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On plurilateral trade, we're championing efforts to build a bridge between the Trans -Pacific Partnership and the European Union,
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which would create a new trading block of 1 .5 billion people.
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On critical minerals, we're forming buyer's clubs anchored in the G7 so that the world can diversify away from concentrated supply.
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And on AI,
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we're cooperating with like -minded democracies to ensure that we won't ultimately be forced to choose between hegemons and hyperscalers.
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This is not naive multilateralism, nor is it relying on their institutions.
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It's building coalitions that work, issues by issue, with partners who share enough common ground to act together.
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In some cases, this will be the vast majority of nations.
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What it's doing is creating a dense web of connections across trade investment culture
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on which we can draw for future challenges and opportunities.
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I argue that middle powers must act together because if we're not at the table, we're on the menu.
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But I'd also say that great powers can afford for now to go it alone.
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They have the market size, the military capacity, and the leverage to dictate terms.
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Middle powers do not.
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But when we only negotiate bilaterally with a hegemon, we negotiate from weakness.
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We accept what's offered.
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We compete with each other to be the most accommodating.
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This is not sovereignty.
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It's the performance of sovereignty while accepting subordination.
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In a world of great power rivalry, the countries in between have a choice.
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Compete with each other for favor or to combine to create a third path with impact.
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We shouldn't allow the rise of hard power to blind us to the fact that the power of legitimacy,
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integrity and rules will remain strong if we choose to wield them together.
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Which brings me back to Havel.
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What does it mean for middle powers to live the truth?
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First, it means naming reality.
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Stop invoking rules -based international order as though it still functions as advertised.
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Call it what it is, a system of intensifying great power rivalry where the most powerful pursue their interests using economic integration as coercion.
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It means acting consistently, applying the same standards to allies and rivals.
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When middle powers criticize economic intimidation from one direction but stay silent when it comes from another, we are keeping the sign in the window.
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It means building what we claim to believe in.
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Rather than waiting for the old order to be restored, it means creating institutions and agreements that function as described.
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And it means reducing the leverage that enables coercion.
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That's building a strong domestic economy.
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It should be every government's immediate priority.
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And diversification internationally is not just economic prudence, it's a material foundation for honest foreign policy.
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Because countries earn the right to principled stands by reducing their vulnerability to retaliation. So Canada.
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Canada has what the world wants.
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We are an energy superpower.
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We hold vast reserves of critical minerals.
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We have the most educated population in the world.
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Our pension funds are amongst the world's largest and most sophisticated investors.
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In other words, we have capital talent.
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We also have a government with immense fiscal capacity to act decisively.
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And we have the values to which many others aspire.
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Canada is a pluralistic society that works.
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Our public square is loud, diverse, and free.
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Canadians remain committed to sustainability.
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We are a stable and reliable partner in a world that is anything but.
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A partner that builds and values relationships for the long term.
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And we have something else.
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We have a recognition of what's happening and a determination to act accordingly.
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We understand that this rupture calls for more than adaptation.
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It calls for honesty about the world as it is.
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We are taking the sign out of the window.
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We know the old order is not coming back.
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We shouldn't mourn it.
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Nostalgia is not a strategy.
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But we believe that from the fracture we can build something bigger, better, stronger, more just.
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This is the task of the middle powers.
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The countries that have the most to lose from a world of fortresses and the most to gain from genuine cooperation.
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The powerful have their power.
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But we have something too.
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The capacity to stop pretending.
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To name reality.
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To build our strength at home and to act together.
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That is Canada's path.
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We choose it openly and confidently, and it is a path wide open to any country willing to take it with us.
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Thank you very much.
O que você vai aprender
Com esse vídeo, você desenvolve três habilidades essenciais para a prática de conversação em inglês: a capacidade de seguir discursos formais complexos, a arte de usar pausas estratégicas para enfatizar ideias e a confiança para reproduzir argumentos persuasivos. Além disso, o texto é perfeito para treinar o shadowspeaks, pois combina ritmo constante com mudanças de tom que exigem atenção plena.
Ouça esses sons
No áudio, preste atenção nas ligações entre palavras, como "rules -based order" (pronunciado quase como "rulesbased order") e "great power rivalry" (onde "great power" se funde em "greypower"). També há reduções comuns, como "it won't" (pronunciado "it wohn't") e "we're" (frequentemente abreviado para "wer"). Esses detalhes fazem toda a diferença para que sua fala soe natural.
Fale como um nativo
Para imitar o ritmo do orador, use o shadow speak: reproduza cada frase 2-3 segundos após o vídeo, focando na ênfase em palavras-chave como "inevitable", "fragility" e "autonomy". Note que o discurso alterna entre pausas curtas (após "Well, it won't") e fluxos contínuos (na explicação sobre o greengrocer). Isso cria uma dinâmica que mantém o ouvinte engajado. Pratique diariamente com trechos curtos e veja como sua pronúncia e fluência melhoram rapidamente!
Aprender inglês com vídeos reais, como esse, é uma forma eficaz de mergulhar na língua. Com o shadowspeaks e a atenção aos detalhes de pronúncia, você não só entende melhor, mas também se comunica com confiança. Vamos começar?
O que é a Técnica de Shadowing?
Shadowing é uma técnica de aprendizado de idiomas com base científica, originalmente desenvolvida para o treinamento de intérpretes profissionais. O método é simples, mas poderoso: você ouve áudio em inglês nativo e repete imediatamente em voz alta — como uma sombra seguindo o falante com 1-2 segundos de atraso. Pesquisas mostram melhora significativa na precisão da pronúncia, entonação, ritmo, sons conectados, compreensão auditiva e fluência na fala.