쉐도잉 연습: SPEECH MASTERY | MARCO RUBIO: Decline Is a Choice! (English Subtitles) - 영상으로 영어 말하기 배우기

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Thank you very much.

We gather here today as members of a historic alliance, an alliance that saved and changed the world.

You know, when this conference began in 1963, it was in a nation, actually it was on a continent, that was divided against itself.

The line between communism and freedom ran through the heart of Germany.

The first barbed fences of the Berlin Wall had gone up just two years prior.

And just months before that first conference, before our predecessors first met here,

here in Munich, the Cuban Missile Crisis had brought the world to the brink of nuclear destruction.

Even as World War II still burned fresh in the memory of Americans and Europeans alike,

we found ourselves staring down the barrel of a new global catastrophe, one with the potential for a new kind of destruction,

more apocalyptic and final than anything before in the history of mankind.

At the time of that first gathering, Soviet communism was on the march.

thousands of years of Western civilization hung in the balance.

At that time, victory was far from certain.

But we were driven by a common purpose.

We were unified not just by what we were fighting against.

We were unified by what we were fighting for.

But the euphoria of this triumph led us to a dangerous delusion.

that we had entered, quote, the end of history, that every nation would now be a liberal democracy,

that the ties formed by trade and by commerce alone would now replace nationhood, that the rules -based global order,

an overused term, would now replace the national interest,

and that we would now live in a world without borders where everyone became a citizen of the world.

This was a foolish idea that ignored both human nature

and it ignored the lessons of over 5 ,000 years of recorded human history.

And it has cost us dearly.

In this delusion, we embraced a dogmatic vision of free and unfettered trade,

even as some nations protected their economies and subsidized their companies to systematically undercut ours,

shuttering our plants, resulting in large parts of our societies being de -industrialized, shipping millions of working and middle -class jobs overseas,

and handing control of our critical supply chains to both adversaries and rivals.

We increasingly outsourced our sovereignty to international institutions

while many nations invested in massive welfare states at the cost of maintaining the ability to defend themselves.

This, even as other countries have invested in the most rapid military buildup in all of human history

and have not hesitated to use hard power to pursue their own interests.

To appease a climate cult, we have imposed energy policies on ourselves that are impoverishing our people,

even as our competitors exploit oil and coal and natural gas and anything else, not just to power their economies,

but to use as leverage against our own.

And in a pursuit of a world without borders,

we opened our doors to an unprecedented wave of mass migration that threatens the cohesion of our societies, the continuity of our culture,

and the future of our people.

We made these mistakes together

and now together we owe it to our people to face those facts and to move forward to rebuild.

Under President Trump, the United States of America will once again take on the task of renewal

and restoration driven by a vision of a future as proud, as sovereign and as vital as our civilization's past.

And while we are prepared, if necessary, to do this alone,

it is our preference and it is our hope to do this together with you, our friends here in Europe.

For the United States and Europe, we belong together.

America was founded 250 years ago, but the roots began here on this continent long before.

The men who settled

and built the nation of my birth arrived on our shores carrying the memories

and the traditions and the Christian faith of their ancestors as a sacred inheritance, an unbreakable link between the old world and the new.

We are part of one civilization, Western civilization, we are bound to one another by the deepest bonds that nations could share,

forged by centuries of shared history, Christian faith, culture.

heritage, language, ancestry, and the sacrifices our forefathers made together for the common civilization to which we have fallen heir.

And so this is why we

Americans may sometimes come off as a little direct and urgent in our council.

This is why

President Trump demands seriousness and reciprocity from our friends here in Europe.

The reason why, my friends, is because we care deeply.

We care deeply about your future and ours.

And if at times we disagree, our disagreements come from our profound sense of concern about a Europe with which we are connected,

not just economically, not just militarily.

We are connected spiritually, and we are connected culturally.

We want Europe to be strong.

We believe that Europe must survive.

Because the two great wars of the last century served for us as history's constant reminder that ultimately,

our destiny is and will always be intertwined with yours.

Because we know.. applause applause applause applause applause

applause Because we know that the fate of Europe will never be irrelevant to our own.

National security, which this conference is largely about, is not merely a series of technical questions.

How much we spend on defense or where, how we deploy it.

These are important questions.

They are.

But they are not the fundamental one.

the fundamental question we must answer at the outset is what exactly are we defending?

Because armies do not fight for abstractions.

Armies fight for a people.

Armies fight for a nation.

Armies fight for a way of life.

And that is what we are defending.

A great civilization that has every reason to be proud of its history,

confident of its future, and aims to always be the master of its own economic and political destiny.

But only if we are unapologetic in our heritage

and proud of this common inheritance can we together begin the work of envisioning and shaping our economic and our political future.

Deindustrialization was not inevitable.

It was a conscious policy choice, a decades -long economic undertaking that stripped our nations of their wealth, of their productive capacity, and of their independence.

And the loss of our supply chain sovereignty was not a function of a prosperous and healthy system of global trade.

It was foolish.

It was a foolish but voluntary transformation of our economy

that left us dependent on others for our needs and dangerously vulnerable to crisis.

Mass migration is not, was not, is some fringe concern of little consequence.

It was and continues to be a crisis which is transforming and destabilizing societies all across the West.

Together, we can re -industrialize our economies and rebuild our capacity to defend our people.

But the work of this new alliance should not be focused just on military cooperation and reclaiming the industries of the past.

It should also be focused on together advancing our mutual interests and new frontiers, unshackling our ingenuity, our creativity,

and the dynamic spirit to build a new Western century.

Commercial space travel and cutting -edge artificial intelligence, industrial automation and flex manufacturing,

creating a Western supply chain for critical minerals not vulnerable to extortion from other powers,

and a unified effort to compete for market share in the economies of the global South.

Together we cannot only take back control of our own industries and supply chains, we can prosper in the areas that will define the 21st century.

But we must also gain control of our national borders.

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Controlling who and how many people enter our countries, this is not an expression of xenophobia, it is not hate.

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It is a fundamental act of national sovereignty and the failure to do

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so is not just an abdication of one of our most basic duties owed to our people.

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It is an urgent threat to the fabric of our societies and the survival of our civilization itself.

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And finally, we can no longer place the so -called global order above the vital interests of our people and our nations.

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We do not need to abandon the system of international cooperation we authored,

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And we don't need to dismantle the global institutions of the old order that together we built.

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But these must be reformed.

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These must be rebuilt.

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For example, the United Nations still has tremendous potential to be a tool for good in the world.

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But we cannot ignore that today on the most pressing matters before us, it has no answers and has played virtually no role.

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It could not solve the war in Gaza.

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Instead, it was American leadership that freed captives from barbarians and brought about a fragile truce.

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It has not solved the war in Ukraine.

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It took American leadership

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and partnership with many of the countries here today just to

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bring the two sides to the table in search of a still -elusive peace.

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It was powerless to constrain the nuclear program of radical Shia clerics in Tehran.

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That required 14 bombs dropped with precision from American B -2 bombers.

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And it was unable to address the threat to our security from a narco -terrorist dictator in Venezuela Instead,

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it took American special forces to bring this fugitive to justice.

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In a perfect world, all of these problems and more would be solved by diplomats and strongly worded resolutions.

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But we do not live in a perfect world.

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And we cannot continue to allow those who blatantly

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and openly threaten our citizens

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and endanger our global stability to shield themselves behind abstractions of international law which they themselves routinely violate.

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This is the path that

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President Trump and the United States has embarked upon.

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It is the path we ask you here in Europe to join us on.

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It is a path we have walked together before and hope to walk together again.

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But together, our predecessors recognized that decline was a choice and it was a choice they refused to make.

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This is what we did together once before and this is what

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President Trump and the United States want to do again now together with you.

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And this is why we do not want our allies to be weak because that makes us weaker.

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We want allies who can defend themselves so that no adversary will ever be tempted to test our collective strength.

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This is why we do not want our allies to be shackled by guilt and shame.

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We want allies who are proud of their culture and of their heritage, who understand that we are heirs to the same great

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and noble civilization and who together with us are willing and able to defend it.

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And this is why we do not want allies to rationalize

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the broken status quo rather than reckon with what is necessary to fix it.

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For we in America have no interest in being polite and orderly caretakers of the West's managed decline.

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We do not seek to separate, but to revitalize an old friendship and renew the greatest civilization in human history.

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What we want is a reinvigorated alliance that recognizes

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that what has ailed our societies is not just a set of bad policies, but a malaise of hopelessness and complacency.

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An alliance is what the alliance that we want is one that is not paralyzed into an action by fear.

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Fear of climate change, fear of war, fear of technology.

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Instead, we want an alliance that boldly races into the future.

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And the only fear we have is the fear of the shame of not leaving our nations prouder, stronger, and wealthier for our children.

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an alliance ready to defend our people, to safeguard our interests, and to preserve the freedom of action that allows us to shape our own destiny,

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not one that exists to operate a global welfare state and atone for the purported sins of past generations,

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an alliance that does not allow its power to be outsourced, constrained, or subordinated to systems beyond its control,

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one that does not depend on others for the critical necessities of its national life, and one that does not maintain the polite pretense

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that our way of life is just one among many and that asks for permission before it acts.

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And above all, an alliance based on the recognition that we, the West, have inherited together,

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what we have inherited together is something that is unique and distinctive and irreplaceable because this,

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after all, is the very foundation of the transatlantic bond.

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Acting together in this way, we will not just help recover a sane foreign policy.

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It will restore to us a clear sense of ourselves.

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It will restore a place in the world.

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And in so doing, it will rebuke and deter the forces of civilizational erasure that today menace both America and Europe alike.

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So in a time of headlines heralding the end of the transatlantic era,

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let it be known and clear to all that this is neither our goal nor our wish.

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Because for us

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Americans, our home may be in the Western Hemisphere, but we will always be a child of Europe.

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Together we rebuilt the shattered continent in the wake of two devastating world wars.

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When we found ourselves divided once again by the Iron Curtain,

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the Free West linked arms with the courageous dissidents struggling against tyranny in the East to defeat Soviet communism them.

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We have fought against each other, then reconciled, then fought, then reconciled again.

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And we have bled and died side by side on battlefields from Kep 'yong to Kandahar.

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And I am here today to leave it clear that America is charting the path for a new century of prosperity,

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and that once again, we want to do it together with you, our cherished allies.

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and our oldest friends.

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We want to do it together with you, with a Europe that is proud of its heritage and of its history,

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with a Europe that has the spirit of creation and liberty that sent ships out into uncharted seas and birthed our civilization,

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with a Europe that has the means to defend itself and the will to survive.

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We should be proud of what we achieved together in the last century,

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but now we must confront and embrace the opportunities of a new one.

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Because yesterday is over.

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The future is inevitable.

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And our destiny together awaits.

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Thank you.

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이 레슨의 어휘와 말하기 포인트

이 말하기 레슨은 영상 “SPEECH MASTERY”을(를) 바탕으로 합니다. 가장 자주 반복되는 단어는 다음과 같습니다: Europe, nation, alliance. 이 영상에는 섀도잉할 문장 180개와 단어 2438개가 있습니다. 말하는 구간의 길이는 16:58입니다. 화자는 분당 약 144단어의 일정한 속도로 말해서 섀도잉하기에 편한 속도입니다. 영어에서 가장 많이 쓰이는 3,000단어에 속하는 단어가 81%뿐이라 어휘가 어려운 편입니다.

이 영상의 핵심 어휘

영상에 나오는 익혀 둘 만한 단어 15개를 발음, 뜻과 함께 정리했습니다.

단어	발음	뜻
alliance 명사	/əˈlaɪ.əns/	동맹
civilization 명사	/ˌsɪv.ɪ.laɪˈzeɪ.ʃən/	문명
defend 동사	/dɪˈfɪnd/	방어하다
ally 명사	/ˈæl.aɪ/	동맹국, 아군
applause 명사	/əˈplɔːz/	박수
heritage 명사	/ˈhɛɹ.ɪ.tɪd͡ʒ/	유산
rebuild 동사	/ɹiːˈbɪld/	재건하다
ignore 동사	/ɪɡˈnɔː/	무시하다
solve 동사	/sɒlv/	해결하다
fundamental 형용사	/ˌfʌn.dəˈmɛn.təl/	기본적
continent 명사	/ˈkɑntɪnənt/	대륙
foolish 형용사	/ˈfuː.lɪʃ/	어리석다, 둔하다
sovereignty 명사	/ˈsɑv(ə)ɹənti/	주권
communism 명사	/ˈkɒmjᵿnɪz(ə)m/	공산주의
deeply 부사	/ˈdi(ː)pli/	깊이

영상에 나오는 구동사

단어	뜻
go up 동사	올라가다
take back 동사	되찾다

이 영상의 문법

화자가 가장 많이 쓰는 문형을 영상 속 실제 표현과 함께 정리했습니다.

문형	영상 속 표현
현재완료 have/has + 과거분사 — 과거의 일이 지금도 관련이 있을 때	has cost · have invested · have not hesitated
수동태 be + 과거분사 — 누가 하는지보다 무슨 일이 일어나는지에 초점	was divided · were driven · were unified
관계절 who / which + 절 — 사람이나 사물에 대한 추가 정보	men who settled · crisis which is · those who blatantly

주의할 발음

“th” 소리: gather /ˈɡæðɚ/, threaten /ˈθɹɛt.n̩/
“sh”와 “zh” 소리: civilization /ˌsɪv.ɪ.laɪˈzeɪ.ʃən/, foolish /ˈfuː.lɪʃ/, destruction /dɪsˈtɹʌkʃən/, cooperation /koʊˌɑ.pəˈɹeɪ.ʃən/, migration /maɪˈɡɹeɪʃ(ə)n/
긴 단어 — 강세 위치에 주의: civilization /ˌsɪv.ɪ.laɪˈzeɪ.ʃən/, fundamental /ˌfʌn.dəˈmɛn.təl/, sovereignty /ˈsɑv(ə)ɹənti/, cooperation /koʊˌɑ.pəˈɹeɪ.ʃən/, inevitable /ɪˈnɛvɪtəbəl/

한국어 화자가 어려워하는 소리:

/f/ — ㅍ(/p/)으로 바꾸지 말고 윗니를 아랫입술에 대기: defend /dɪˈfɪnd/, fundamental /ˌfʌn.dəˈmɛn.təl/, foolish /ˈfuː.lɪʃ/, welfare /ˈwɛlˌfɛɚ/, friendship /ˈfɹɛn(d)ʃɪp/
/v/ — ㅂ(/b/)과 구별하기: civilization /ˌsɪv.ɪ.laɪˈzeɪ.ʃən/, solve /sɒlv/, sovereignty /ˈsɑv(ə)ɹənti/, vital /ˈvaɪtəl/, invest /ɪnˈvɛst/
/z/ — ㅈ이 아니라 성대를 울리는 /s/: civilization /ˌsɪv.ɪ.laɪˈzeɪ.ʃən/, applause /əˈplɔːz/, communism /ˈkɒmjᵿnɪz(ə)m/, citizen /ˈsɪtɪzən/, overseas /ˌoʊvɚˈsiːz/

이 영상으로 연습하는 방법

먼저 말하지 않고 영상을 끝까지 듣고 모르는 단어를 적어 둡니다.
보통 속도로 한 문장씩 섀도잉하고, 화자의 리듬과 맞을 때까지 반복합니다.
자신의 목소리를 녹음해 원본과 비교하고, alliance, civilization, defend 같은 단어에 특히 주의합니다.

쉐도잉이란? 영어 실력을 빠르게 키우는 과학적 방법

쉐도잉(Shadowing)은 원래 전문 통역사 훈련을 위해 개발된 언어 학습 기법으로, 다언어 학자인 Dr. Alexander Arguelles에 의해 대중화된 방법입니다. 핵심 원리는 간단하지만 매우 강력합니다: 원어민의 영어를 들으면서 1~2초의 짧은 지연으로 즉시 소리 내어 따라 말하는 것——마치 '그림자(shadow)'처럼 화자를 따라가는 것입니다. 문법 공부나 수동적인 청취와 달리, 쉐도잉은 뇌와 입 근육이 동시에 실시간으로 영어를 처리하고 재현하도록 훈련합니다. 연구에 따르면 이 방법은 발음 정확도, 억양, 리듬, 연음, 청취력, 말하기 유창성을 크게 향상시킵니다. IELTS 스피킹 준비와 자연스러운 영어 소통을 원하는 분들에게 특히 효과적입니다.

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쉐도잉 연습: SPEECH MASTERY | MARCO RUBIO: Decline Is a Choice! (English Subtitles) - 영상으로 영어 말하기 배우기

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