Shadowing Practice: Gender equality for peace and security - UN-Women briefing | United Nations - Learn English Speaking with Video
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I now give the floor to Ms. Sima Sami Barros.
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Good morning, Madam President, Her Excellency Frances Alghali, Deputy Foreign Minister of Sierra Leone,
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Excellencies, thank you for inviting me to this important debate.
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This last quarter century has seen the Security Council acknowledge the centrality of gender equality for peace in decision after decision.
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It does so because evidence is clear and uncontested.
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Gender equality supports conflict prevention and post-conflict recovery.
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Gender inequality makes conflict more likely and peace less durable.
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Gender equality is thus at the heart of the UN's peace and security apparatus and of peacekeeping.
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The United Nations peacekeeping efforts, led and guided by this Council,
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have a proud history of contributing to the avoidance of renewed militarization in post-conflict societies.
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Part of that history has also been a contribution to gender equality.
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In the Democratic Republic of the Congo,
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for example, the UN mission has helped relocate many women human rights defenders to safer locations in recent years,
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facilitated women's representation in local community dialogues in the peace process, reaching 30 and 40 percent in several localities,
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and has contributed to the conviction of dozens of members of armed groups and security forces for conflict-related sexual violence.
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Special political missions, too, have played an important role in achieving the modest
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but steady gains we have seen across countries in crisis on women's political participation and representation,
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even in the most challenging contexts. In Somalia, the UN mission has been one of the most consistent supporters
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of the political aspirations of Somali women as they fight for better representation through quotas and changes in the electoral code.
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Excellencies, UN Women is concerned about the potential effects of multiple recent decisions to shrink
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or close both peacekeeping and special political missions.
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These decisions are made even as the number and intensity of conflicts and insecurity grow.
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It is counterintuitive that in the face of unprecedented levels of conflict and violence,
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the number of deployed peacekeeping personnel worldwide has dropped by almost half from 121,000 in 2016 to approximately 71,000 in 2024.
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This reality takes place against a backdrop of growing misogyny and violence against women and girls.
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It is apparent in the wars we see and the wars we fear, and the clear disregard in their conduct for the lives,
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welfare, rights, and autonomy of women and girls.
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I would like to thank Cyril Yon for proposing this debate, for providing the space for this crucial discussion,
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and for affording us, as UN women, the opportunity to share our perspective.
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Thank you, Madam.
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Excellencies, in the final months of 15 consecutive years of UN peacekeeping in Haiti,
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the Security Council heard from the Executive Director of one of Haiti's largest non-governmental health care providers and social justice organizations.
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She asked the Security Council that, in the event of a mission transition or drawdown,
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the Security Council ensures that gains made on gender equality be protected, including through the provision of necessary resources,
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a reasonable request very much in line with the stated priorities of the Security Council.
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That was April of 2019.
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Ten months later, the peacekeepers had left.
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Another representative of Haitian Women's Civil Society came to brief this august body.
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She told the Council about armed gangs who were raping women and filming and posting the rapes on social media.
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She shared that gang rape was becoming a political weapon, a premeditated and explicit expression of defiance of law enforcement.
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She stated that entire areas were controlled by armed gangs, better armed and equipped than the police.
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She spoke of kidnappings of terrified students unable to go outside, of closed courts of the capital since the peacekeeping missions left.
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That was four and a half years ago, and the reality she described is very much a reality today.
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Almost 5,000 cases of rape were reported to case managers and service providers in Haiti in 2023,
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with homicides, kidnappings, and sexual violence rising every year with no sign of slowing down.
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Around the same time, at the annual debate on women, peace and security in 2019,
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a young activist from Sudan who had become an icon of
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that year's revolution told the Security Council
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that women had already been sidelined in the political process in the months following that revolution.
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She shared her skepticism that 40 percent quota for women in the Transitional Legislative Council that had been promised would ever materialize.
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She asked, among other things, that the Security Council halt the scaling down of the peacekeeping mission until the security situation was more stable
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and the protection of civilians more assured.
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Yet, despite these warnings, a year later UNAMED was closed.
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And so today, in Sudan, with no peacekeeping or political mission in place,
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famine is imminent and thousands of new mothers could die in the next few months.
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All, as women and girls, are subjected to all kinds of cruelties and violence, of which I believe you are all well aware.
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Excellencies, the Security Council resolutions have been clear.
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Resolution 2594 in 2021 called for comprehensive gender analysis
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and gender expertise in forming any UN transition from the start for women's full,
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equal, and meaningful participation in all sequenced stages of the mission and the transition,
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and for the gains made on gender equality and women peace and security to be sustained.
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It did so in the recognition that this saves lives, empowers women, and protects them from harm.
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These direct instructions built on years of similar language in other Security Council decisions and UN policy and guidance.
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Despite this, these directives are often not put in practice.
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This is why UN Women is acutely concerned about the current trend of closing of space
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and support for UN missions in ways
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that are too precipitous to allow for the proper involvement of women or the prioritization of gender equality.
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Take Mali, for example, where given the short time afforded to close the mission meant that no work on women,
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peace and security, or gender advisors or officers were transferred to state authorities or to the United Nations country team.
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This is but one example.
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Excellencies, for more than six years, UN Women has been working closely with the Department on Peace
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Operations to strengthen the gender responsiveness of UN transitions from agreed minimum requirements to joint analysis,
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planning, capacity building, engaging together with national partners to co-locating staff and sharing assets.
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In that period, we have identified many gaps.
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I will highlight three today.
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First, women and issues of gender equality more broadly are often underrepresented
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or absent in negotiations with host countries over mission drawdowns or departures.
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In some cases, women are mentioned only as victims in need of protection rather than as partners in the transition,
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including the many women's rights organizations
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that could inherit crucial functions undertaken by the departing mission if only they were given adequate support.
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Women are also excluded from decisions about security matters or security architecture.
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Second, gender responsive conflict analysis is often left out of planning exercises at their start
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and only undertaken later with resources that need to be fundraised for separately or by repurposing flexible funding from UN women.
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Third, the money spent on UN missions is not reallocated to peace building or sustainable development once they leave,
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whether through the UN country team or other national partners.
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As soon as the UN experiences a sharp drop in budgets and presence, gender expertise and programming is all too often deprioritized first.
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In order to address these concerns, I offer three solutions.
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First, we recommend that the Security Council ensures
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that UN transitions safeguard gender equality gains and women's meaningful participation in all possible ways.
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This includes doing so routinely through decisions and statements in interactions with host governments
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and with any regional or sub-regional organization undertaking peacekeeping support.
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Second, for the Council to continue to invite women from civil society to routinely brief
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and provide analyses of their context from a gender perspective.
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And for the informal expert group to conduct field visits to
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countries after the departure of a UN mission to monitor
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and report on the situation of women and girls so that this analysis can be included in decision making.
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Third, we recommend that the Security Council turn its attention more fully to financing.
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The role of the Peacebuilding Fund is essential for this, as is stronger collaboration with international financial institutions.
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In addition, all drawdowns should include plans to sufficiently allocate resources to women,
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peace, and security work to sustain gains made.
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Excellencies, ultimately in some cases the accelerated departures are based on political timetables and do not fully reflect on the ground realities.
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We believe that the Security Council and international partners have the capacity to engage host governments to prevent such hairy transitions,
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in particular in the interests of the protection of the rights of women and girls.
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We cannot allow the tools carefully crafted over decades by this esteemed body to advance women's peace and security agenda.
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We cannot allow them to be discarded.
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They are too valuable, too crucial to women and girls.
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We fear a future of increasing atrocities against women, their ever greater marginalization from decision-making,
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and ultimately a failure of the international community.
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That prospect should be, and I am confident is, unacceptable for all of us.
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We have an opportunity this fall with the Summit of the Future and next year, as we mark 30 years since the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action,
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to double down on efforts to advance women's rights and to bolster commitments made in Beijing,
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in SDG 5, and the many resolutions on women, peace and security of this Council.
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UN Women remains at your side as we work collectively in the service of this Council's consistent decisions for women,
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peace and security.
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And I thank you.
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I thank Ms. Bahous for her briefing.
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Bu dersin kelimeleri ve konuşma notları
Bu C1 seviyesindeki konuşma dersi “Gender equality for peace and security - UN-Women briefing” videosuna dayanıyor. En çok tekrarlanan kelimeler: security, gender, Council, mission, peace. Bu videoda gölgeleme çalışması için 116 cümle ve 1639 kelime var. Konuşma bölümü 12:46 sürüyor. Konuşmacı dakikada yaklaşık 128 kelimelik dengeli bir hızla konuşuyor; gölgeleme için rahat bir tempo. Kelimelerin yalnızca %81’i İngilizcede en sık kullanılan 3.000 kelime arasında, bu yüzden kelime dağarcığı zorlayıcı.
Bu videodaki önemli kelimeler
Videodaki en ileri düzey 15 kelime, telaffuzu ve anlamıyla:
| Kelime | Telaffuz | Anlam |
|---|---|---|
| quota isim | /ˈkwəʊ.tə/ | kontenjan |
| undertake fiil | /ˌʌndəˈteɪk/ | girişmek |
| kidnapping isim | /ˈkɪdnæpɪŋ/ | adam kaçırma |
| sustain fiil | /səˈsteɪn/ | sürdürmek, muhafaza etmek |
| expertise isim | /ˌɛkspɜːˈtiːz/ | ustalık |
| allocate fiil | /ˈæl.ə.keɪt/ | tahsis etmek, ayırmak |
| atrocity isim | /əˈtɹɑsɪti/ | atrosite |
| defiance isim | /dɪˈfaɪ(j)əns/ | meydan okuma |
| militarization isim | /ˌmɪ.lɪ.tə.ɹaɪˈzeɪ.ʃn̩/ | askerileştirme, militarizasyon |
| misogyny isim | /mɪˈsɑd͡ʒ.ɪ.ni/ | kadın düşmanlığı, mizojini |
| premeditated sıfat | kasıtlı, kasti | |
| skepticism isim | /ˈskɛp.tɪˌsɪ.zəm/ | septisizm, kuşkuculuk |
| terrify fiil | /ˈtɛɹɪfaɪ/ | dehşete düşürmek |
| timetable isim | /ˈtaɪmˌteɪbəl/ | zaman çizelgesi, tarife |
| equip fiil | /ɪˈkwɪp/ | donatmak |
Duyacağınız deyimsel fiiller
| Kelime | Anlam |
|---|---|
| slow down fiil | yavaşlamak |
Bu videodaki dil bilgisi
Konuşmacının en çok kullandığı yapılar, videodaki sözcüklerin aynısıyla:
| Yapı | Videoda |
|---|---|
| Present perfect have/has + fiilin üçüncü hâli — geçmişte olan ama şimdi de önemli olan bir eylem | has seen · has also been · has helped |
| Edilgen yapı be + fiilin üçüncü hâli — kimin yaptığı değil, ne olduğu önemli | are made · be protected · were controlled |
Dikkat edilecek telaffuzlar
- “sh” ve “zh” sesleri: aspiration /ˌæspəˈɹeɪʃən/, marginalization /ˌmɑː(ɹ)dʒɪnəlaɪˈzeɪʃən/, militarization /ˌmɪ.lɪ.tə.ɹaɪˈzeɪ.ʃn̩/, prioritization /prʌɪˌɒrətʌɪˈzeɪʃ(ə)n/, negotiation /nɪˌɡəʊ.ʃiˈeɪ.ʃən/
- Uzun kelimeler — vurguyu doğru yere koyun: excellency /ˈɛk.sə.lən.si/, aspiration /ˌæspəˈɹeɪʃən/, atrocity /əˈtɹɑsɪti/, centrality /sɛnˈtɹæl.ə.ti/, counterintuitive /ˌkaʊntəɹɪnˈtuɪtɪv/
Bu videoyla nasıl çalışılır
- Videonun tamamını konuşmadan bir kez dinleyin ve bilmediğiniz kelimeleri not edin.
- Normal hızda cümle cümle tekrar edin; ritminiz konuşmacıyla aynı olana kadar her cümleyi yineleyin.
- Kendinizi kaydedin ve orijinaliyle karşılaştırın; quota, undertake, kidnapping gibi kelimelere özellikle dikkat edin.
Gölgeleme Tekniği Nedir?
Gölgeleme, başlangıçta profesyonel tercüman eğitimi için geliştirilen ve çok dilli Dr. Alexander Arguelles tarafından popüler hale getirilen, bilim destekli bir dil öğrenme tekniğidir. Yöntem basit ama güçlüdür: ana dili İngilizce olan bir sesi dinler ve hemen yüksek sesle tekrar edersiniz — konuşmacıyı 1-2 saniye gecikmeyle takip eden bir gölge gibi. Pasif dinleme veya dilbilgisi alıştırmalarının aksine, gölgeleme beyninizi ve ağız kaslarınızı gerçek konuşma kalıplarını eşzamanlı olarak işlemeye ve yeniden üretmeye zorlar. Araştırmalar, telaffuz doğruluğu, tonlama, ritim, bağlı konuşma, dinleme anlama ve konuşma akıcılığını önemli ölçüde geliştirdiğini göstermektedir — bu da onu IELTS Konuşma hazırlığı ve gerçek dünya İngilizce iletişimi için en etkili yöntemlerden biri yapar.