跟读练习: Amartya Sen interview (1999) - 通过视频学习英语口语

Mark Yassin is the winner of the 1998 Nobel Prize in Economics.

He was given the award for "restoring an ethical dimension to

the discussion of economic problems." His writings have revolutionized the theory of development by focusing on the importance of freedom over wealth.

In his new book, "Development as Freedom," he allows economics to address the social basis of the well -being of the individual.

I am pleased to have him on this broadcast as we

always are to have someone here who brings piercing insight into issues

that are part of not only the discussion in the United States, but the world.

Welcome.

Thank you very much.

This notion of how you feel about markets.

and democracy, and how you feel about growth economics, working best in an economic environment that is,

in a political environment that's a democracy, or a political environment that is a totalitarian.

Stay.

Yes, well I think what I'd like to think of in this context is to go with behind the institutions and

The main approach, which actually the book also does pursue,

is that the very basic thing which leads to social change and progress is ultimately individual freedom.

But individual freedom, of course, is also conditional on certain social opportunities being available, political opportunities, economic opportunities.

And my claim is that the freedoms of different kinds complement each other, just as I was mentioning in the case of the rise.

a communal riot, so people didn't have economic freedom, had to go into hostile area and got killed.

So economic freedom gives you more liberty there also.

Similarly, I think political freedom gives voice.

democracy, civil rights, open media, public discussion like we are having now, gives voice to the people who are deprived.

And you make the point.

Well taken, it seems, that at a time of a famine,

A democracy is more likely to put a break on a famine than a totalitarian state.

It's not only more likely, that's radically so.

There has never been a famine in a democratic country, even very poor ones, like Zimbabwe, Botswana, India.

India continues to have famine, right up to independence, which is the last one that occurred, which I saw as a child I was mentioning.

But if you look at the famines today, they're all in countries that are totalitarian.

Well, if you think of North Korea, Sudan, if you think of the past, the biggest famine in record history, China, 58, 61, 30 million people dead.

Soviet Union in the 1930s, military dictatorship, one kind or another,

Ethiopia, Somalia, Mozambique, Angola, one after another.

And it happens because in a democracy the protest, the public voice would not allow and tolerate.

Yeah, I would say that there are two things.

You may be very lucky and may have no democracy and still have no famine.

But if a famine were to develop, democracy provides a guarantee for stopping it because famines are extremely easy to stop.

And this was one of my earlier works.

I did a book.

published in 1981 called Poverty and Famines, showing why famines occur because of really decline on the fortunes of a very small group of people,

maybe millions, but still proportionately very small.

And you can very easily stop it, even without getting any kind of assistance from abroad.

And if a government has an incentive to do it, it can always stop a famine extremely easily.

So that led to the second part.

How can it do it if it has an incentive?

Well, if it doesn't have an incentive, then it couldn't do it.

But what I was saying that if it did have an incentive to do it, then it can carry it out very easily.

So the economic analysis led me to the political one, and it was quite clear that in a democracy, if you have to fight another election,

and not like being criticized by opposition parties, and not like being hoisted up by newspapers and the media,

you would actually do something about preventing famines and that's extremely easy to do.

And that's why, you know, even though China was in many ways doing better than India right from the beginning, from the middle of the century,

nevertheless, India was much better able to stop famine than China

because when the famine occurred

and about 10 million people were dying in China each year through that period after the Great Leap Forward failed,

there was no criticism of the government.

People didn't even know that people were dying in such numbers.

We now know from demographic statistics of the Chinese themselves.

Another aspect of this, obviously, which you have talked about, and written about is whether you look at Singapore as one example, Yes.

economic growth and a different political structure.

And then you look at some democracies likewise in Africa, where the most progressive economic growth is taking place in a democratic establishment.

So what rule do we bring out of that?

I think those who have studied these kind of issues like Robert Barrow, my old colleague from Harvard and others,

Przorsky, Limogier and others, find that actually as far as economic growth is concerned, there is no connection one way or the other very much about democracy.

It's much more concerned with the friendliness of the economic climate rather than harshness of the political climate.

development in terms of human security, then I think democracy has a role.

I mean, one good example would be that East Asian, South Korea, Indonesia, Thailand, Southeast Asia,

they were all doing terribly well, and people somehow didn't miss democracy at that time when everything seemed to be going up and up together.

and the absence of a democracy were badly felt.

And naturally in South Korea and Indonesia, these became the big moments of democratic movement, and not surprisingly at all.

Explain this to me and you will understand this much better.

And I've never quite understood the reasons why.

Here in this United States, we have a booming stock market We're creating enormous wealth for certain

percentage of people The notion is that the rising tide raises all boats,

Yet we have a growing disparity between wealthy and poor.

An income inequality.

How is that possible.

Charlie, can I go beyond that?

Yes.

There is not only income inequality, that could be bad enough.

But I think that's not where the real problem is.

The real problem is the inequality of basic freedom to live in a way that you would like to live.

And that includes living long, living a life without illnesses, living in a peaceful, happy surrounding, and so on.

And if you think about that, you see the lack of health care in the United States, the lack of insurance about health care, despite the richness of the country,

I mean it's coming back to the political discussion right now, it's actually a little scandalous.

You know, whether 43 million people not having medical insurance, whether that's an exaggeration or not, certainly a very large number of people are.

And sometimes it's our good, but in fact it doesn't make any difference.

But if you look at the mortality differences between different regions of the country, and between different classes, and and between different races.

African Americans, for example, as a group, have a lower chance of reaching any kind of age beyond 15 than the Chinese

or the Indians in Kerala or Sri Lankans and so on.

And why is that?

Well, I think to some extent, lack of medical insurance plays a part.

Educational failure plays a part.

And sometimes it's thought that this is all connected with violence.

And indeed, that some violence is high and that's also a social malaise.

And family structure and lots of other things.

Actually, in the book I study and go beyond that, even if you take beyond the age of 35, then death from violence is no longer a factor.

And look at women, you see similar deprivation.

And the overall impact is just radically...

different from what the picture on income comparison would look like.

That is, if you take the African American, It's quite often said African Americans are relatively deprived compared with American whites.

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But they're not absolutely deprived, nor are they relatively deprived compared to the third world.

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Now that's true in terms of income.

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They may have income 30, 40 times, the Chinese or the Indian.

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On the other hand, The life expectancy of African Americans in this city, in New York, or in San Francisco,

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or in Washington, is several years lower than that in India or Pakistan on an average. And

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if you took those - The life expectancy in the inner

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city of New York in many cases is lower than that of - African American, I'm talking about.

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Male African American.

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Yeah.

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And the male African American rates are very low, like 58 years.

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that's dramatically low in comparison with income.

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And you have to ask the question, what's gone wrong?

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And I think here, it's not just a question of having a democracy, but also what kind of issues could be forcefully practiced.

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That's why I'm so delighted that to some extent this issue is returning back into American electoral politics.

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Because without that, you won't have any change, really.

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Because I think the - I thought that in the discussion of both Gore and Bradley,

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at least it's...

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You're right, it is.

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Senator Bradley is trying to raise...

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Senator Bradley is trying to raise this as an issue...

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I'm meeting at one occasion, I must say, I greatly admire him.

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I think it's wonderful if he can bring those issues into the story.

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But you know, each area, it's peculiar.

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In Europe, you could not have survived with the kind of healthcare situation.

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No government would have the chance of winning an election.

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Mr. All right, but that's what I want to get at too, because for a second, if you look at the economics and the reality of healthcare and those kinds of numbers,

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rather than income equality, it's much more dramatic and blatant and powerful. as a condition.

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Yeah.

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Why do you think, even though you're expertise in your scholarly work is economics and not politics.

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Why do you think the body politic allows that in this country?

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I would like to believe, naively, that we are a good people who care about our neighbors.

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Well, I think that's an extremely interesting question, and you're quite right.

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As an economist, I hesitate to speak on it.

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But I must say, political analysis of it.

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requires to go much deeper into this because there are peculiar arbitrariness.

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In America, you can get by without health insurance being a political issue in the way you can't in Europe.

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In Europe, you can get by with double -digit unemployment levels, which no US government could have survived on.

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In India, you cannot to have a famine, but you can survive with a regular undernourishment of a kind which is very peculiarly strong.

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You could get away with it, and you change it.

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You could get away in India on gender inequality.

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It wasn't politicized, but thanks to the feminist movements and others now, and a general political change,

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women's inequality has become a big politicized issue.

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So I think it's a question of really

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the opportunity of the political leadership and the vision of the political leadership to see some of these issues.

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And I think if the medical care issue is strongly politicised, I think you'd get the kind of response that you would get in Europe.

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And that's why I remain ultimately very hopeful on that.

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But you can't really do a certain change without at the same time affecting public opinion and public discussion.

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MR. And then you can get to the interesting debate on how to do something about it.

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And therefore, honorable people can differ.

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over how to treat the illness, but once they've got to make a commitment that there ought to be, It's unacceptable.

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- Yes.

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in terms of healthcare, in terms of education, in terms of children's nutrition, in terms of all those things, that affect - Yes, absolutely.

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And I think there's no substitute to having active public discussion.

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I mean, so far as my book is trying to do anything, it's trying to draw public attention to certain things which we do know on the basis of economic, political, social analysis.

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And its bearing and development is interpreted here very widely.

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It applies to America, it applies to Europe, as well as to India and China and Africa and Latin America.

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discussion, which is really the main thing

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that the book is trying to present in terms of identifying the various kinds of unfreedom.

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It could be political unfreedom, it could be social opportunity unfreedom, and so on.

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MR. Development as freedom.

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There are many people I know.

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who I respect and admire for their achievements, who believe that Freedom and free markets are one and the same thing.

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I think that's just nonsense.

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I mean, free markets are quite an important contribution to development.

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I mean, even somebody like Karl Marx in the capital thought

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that the American Civil Wars was the most important event of his time, on grounds that it got people out of slavery into a market economy,

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into a great economy.

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And yet, you need to supplement the market economy by so many other things, democracy, democracy.

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public expenditure.

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Great guru of market economy, Adam Smith, goes on and on on the need for public education, need for poverty relief, in fact.

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So I think in many ways one has to place the market economy - Thank you.

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as one institutional aspect of a multi -institutional world.

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And anyone who wants to identify free market with freedom is as mistaken as someone who would take the view

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that you can dispense with market in the pursuit of freedom.

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You need to see it in a much wider context.

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I fear asking this, but I'm tempted to anyway, and generally I follow temptation.

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What's the best idea you ever had?

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Thank you.

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Oh, good God.

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I don't know.

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I think probably some of the ideas that I would be more pleasantly, rather more technical than easy to discuss.

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I mentioned that the novella was connected with social choice theory.

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There were issues of aggregation and so on, and there were these.

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Kenneth Arrow had an impossibility theorem showing why you cannot and your decision leads to inconsistencies.

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And really the hard work to a great extent was how you can broaden the informational input into the social analysis.

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I think to some extent that has played a part in all these things.

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The need to have a much wider informational structure to know much more, not just one small thing,

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not just income, but also how people's lives go, their health care, their educational arraignment, these turn out to be quite crucial in both the technical

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mathematical problems in dealing with impossibility as well as in terms

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of public discussion problems in making a change in the world in which we actually live.

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These ideas and others are discussed in this book, Development is Freedom, winner of the 1998 Nobel Prize in Economics.

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Thank you for joining us.

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See you next time.

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Bye.

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16 句

为什么要通过这个视频练习口语？

通过观看和模仿这段采访视频，学习者可以深入理解如何在真实的对话中表达自己的观点。马尔克·亚辛与阿马蒂亚·森的对话不仅涉及经济学和社会问题的深刻见解，还展示了如何在不同的政治环境中进行有效的沟通。这种英语口语练习的方式，特别适合希望提升流利度和表达能力的学习者，能够帮助他们在讨论复杂话题时更加从容自信。同时，重现对话中的语调和语速，可以有效地增强学习者的听说能力，帮助他们在实际交流中更加自然。

语法与表达在语境中的分析

在阿马蒂亚·森的演讲中，有几个关键的语法结构值得注意：

条件句：例如，他提到“如果一个国家是民主的，就更有可能阻止饥荒。”这样的句式可以帮助学习者理解如何在讨论因果关系时使用条件句。
被动语态：使用“在民主国家，从未发生过饥荒”的表达，能够引导学习者掌握被动语态在强调事实和结果时的用法。
对比结构：森提到“经济自由与政治自由相辅相成”，这种对比可以帮助学习者掌握在讨论中进行比较的技巧，增加口语表达的丰富性。
情态动词：例如“可以”、“应该”等情态动词的使用，能够帮助学习者掌握如何表达能力和必要性，使口语更加生动。

常见发音陷阱

在视频中，有几个可能会导致发音困难的词汇，学习者需要特别注意：

freedom（自由）：注意“f”音的发音，避免变得模糊不清。
democracy（民主）：这个词的重音放在第二个音节上，许多学习者可能会发错。
famine（饥荒）：学习者需注意此词的短元音和清晰发音，避免将其与其他相似发音的词混淆。

通过这些英语影子跟读的技巧，学习者可以在自我练习中纠正发音，使他们在口语交流中更加自信流利。在合适的shadow speak环境中，反复练习将确保他们能够准确表达自己的想法。

视频中的语法

说话人最常用的结构，并附上视频中的原话：

结构	视频中的用法
被动语态 be + 过去分词 — 强调发生了什么，而不是谁做的	was given · are deprived · being criticized
定语从句 who / which + 从句 — 补充说明人或事物	people who are · independence, which is · those who have
现在完成时 have/has + 过去分词 — 过去发生但与现在仍有关联的事	have revolutionized · has never been · have talked

什么是跟读法？

跟读法 (Shadowing) 是一种有科学依据的语言学习技巧，最初开发用于专业口译员的培训，并由多语言者Alexander Arguelles博士普及。这个方法简单而强大：您在听英语母语原声的同时立即大声重复——就像是一个延迟1-2秒紧跟说话者的影子。与被动听力或语法练习不同，跟读法强迫您的大脑和口腔肌肉同时处理并模仿真实的讲话模式。研究表明它能显着提高发音准确性，语调，节奏，连读，听力理解和口语流利度——使其成为雅思口语备考和真实英语交流最有效的方法之一。

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常见发音陷阱

视频中的语法

什么是跟读法？