Pratica di Shadowing: Secretary Marco Rubio Remarks at Munich Security Conference - Impara a parlare inglese con i video

Thank you.

Thank you very much.

We gather here today as members of a historic alliance, an alliance that saved and changed the world.

You know, when this conference began in 1963, it was in a nation, actually it was on a continent, it was divided against itself.

The line between communism and freedom ran through the heart of Germany.

The first barbed fences of the Berlin Wall had gone up just two years prior.

And just months before that first conference, before our predecessors first met here,

here in Munich, the Cuban Missile Crisis had brought the world to the brink of nuclear destruction.

Even as World War II still burned fresh in the memory of Americans and Europeans alike,

we found ourselves staring down the barrel of a new global catastrophe, one with the potential for a new kind of destruction,

more apocalyptic and final than anything before in the history of mankind.

The time of that first gathering, Soviet communism was on the march.

of years of Western civilization hung in the balance.

At that time, victory was far from certain.

But we were driven by a common purpose.

We were unified not just by what we were fighting against.

We were unified by what we were fighting for.

And together, Europe and America prevailed.

and a continent was rebuilt.

Our people prospered in time.

The East and West blocks were reunited.

A civilization was once again made whole.

That infamous wall that had cleaved this nation into two came down, and with it, an evil empire, and the East and West became one again.

But the euphoria of this triumph led us to a dangerous delusion that we had entered, quote, the end of history,

that every nation would now be a liberal democracy, that the ties formed by trade and by commerce alone would now replace nationhood,

that the rules-based global order, an overused term, would now replace the national interest,

and that we would now live in a world without borders where everyone became a citizen of the world.

This was a foolish idea

that ignored both human nature and it ignored the lessons of over 5,000 years of recorded human history.

And it has cost us dearly.

In this delusion, we embraced a dogmatic vision of free and unfettered trade,

even as some nations protected their economies and subsidized their companies to systematically undercut ours,

shuttering our plants, resulting in large parts of our societies being de-industrialized,

shipping millions of working and middle-class jobs overseas, and handing control of our critical supply chains to both adversaries and rivals.

We increasingly outsourced our sovereignty to international institutions

while many nations invested in massive welfare states at the cost of maintaining the ability to defend themselves.

This, even as other countries have invested in the most rapid military buildup

in all of human history and have not hesitated to use hard power to pursue their own interests.

To appease a climate cult, we have imposed energy policies on ourselves that are impoverishing our people,

even as our competitors exploit oil and coal and natural gas and anything else, not just to power their economies,

but to use as leverage against our own.

And in a pursuit of a world without borders, we opened our doors to an unprecedented wave of mass migration that threatens the cohesion of our societies,

the continuity of our culture, and the future of our people.

We made these mistakes together.

And now, together, we owe it to our people to face those facts and to move forward, to rebuild.

Under President Trump, the United States of America will once again take on the task renewal and restoration,

driven by a vision of a future as proud, as sovereign, and as vital as our civilization's past.

And while we are prepared, if necessary, to do this alone,

it is our preference and it is our hope to do this together with you, our friends here in Europe.

For the United States and Europe, we belong together.

America was founded 250 years ago, but the roots began here on this continent long before.

The men who settled

and built the nation of my birth arrived on our shores carrying the memories

and the traditions and the Christian faith of their ancestors as a sacred inheritance, an unbreakable link between the old world and the new.

We are part of one civilization, Western civilization.

We are bound to one another by the deepest bonds that nations could share, forged by centuries of shared history,

Christian faith, culture, heritage, language,

ancestry, and the sacrifices our forefathers made together for the common civilization to which we have fallen heir.

And so this is why we Americans may sometimes come off as a little direct and urgent in our council.

This is why President Trump demands seriousness and reciprocity from our friends here in Europe.

The reason why, my friends, is because we care deeply.

We care deeply about your future and ours.

And if at times we disagree, our disagreements come from our profound sense of concern about a Europe with which we are connected.

Not just economically, not just militarily.

We are connected spiritually and we are connected culturally.

We want Europe to be strong.

We believe that Europe must survive.

because the two great wars of the last century served for us as history's constant reminder that ultimately,

our destiny is and will always be intertwined with yours.

Because we know...

because we know that the fate of Europe will never be irrelevant to our own.

National security, which this conference is largely about, is not merely a series of technical questions.

How much we spend on defense or where, how we deploy it.

These are important questions.

They are.

But they are not the fundamental one.

The fundamental question we must answer at the outset is what exactly are we defending?

Because armies do not fight for abstractions.

Armies fight for a people.

Armies fight for a nation.

Armies fight for a way of life.

And that is what we are defending.

A great civilization that has every reason to be proud of its history,

confident of its future and aims to always be the master of its own economic and political destiny.

It was here, in Europe, where the ideas that planted the seeds of liberty that changed the world were born.

It was here in Europe, which gave the world the rule of law, the universities, and the scientific revolution.

It was this continent that produced the genius of Mozart and Beethoven,

of Dante and Shakespeare, of Michelangelo and Da Vinci, of the Beatles and the Rolling Stones.

And this is the place where the vaulted ceilings of the Sistine Chapel and the towering spires

of the great cathedral in Cologne.

They testify not just to the greatness of our past or to a faith in God that inspired these marvels.

They foreshadow the wonders that await us in our future.

But only if we are unapologetic in our heritage and proud of this common inheritance,

can we together begin the work of envisioning and shaping our economic and our political future.

Deindustrialization was not inevitable.

It was a conscious policy choice, a decades-long economic undertaking that stripped our nations of their wealth, of their productive capacity, and of their independence.

And the loss of our supply chain sovereignty was not a function of a prosperous and healthy system of global trade.

It was foolish.

100

It was a foolish but voluntary transformation of our economy

101

that left us dependent on others for our needs and dangerously vulnerable to crisis.

102

Mass migration is not, was not, isn't some fringe concern of little consequence.

103

It was and continues to be a crisis which is transforming and destabilizing societies all across the West.

104

Together, we can re-industrialize our economies and rebuild our capacity to defend our people.

105

But the work of this new alliance should not be focused just on military cooperation and reclaiming the industries of the past.

106

It should also be focused on together advancing our mutual interests and new frontiers, unshackling our ingenuity, our creativity,

107

and the dynamic spirit to build a new Western century.

108

Commercial space travel and cutting-edge artificial intelligence, industrial automation and flex manufacturing,

109

creating a Western supply chain for critical minerals not vulnerable to extortion

110

from other powers and a unified effort to compete for market share in the economies of the global south,

111

together we cannot only take back control of our own industries and supply chains, we can prosper in the areas that will define the 21st century.

112

But we must also gain control of our national borders.

113

Controlling who and how many people enter our countries,

114

this is not an expression of xenophobia it is not hate it is a fundamental act of national sovereignty

115

and the failure to do

116

so is not just an abdication of one of our most

117

basic duties owed to our people it is an urgent threat to the fabric of our societies

118

and the survival of our civilization itself

119

and finally we can no longer place the so-called global order above the vital interests of our people in our nations.

120

We do not need to abandon the system of international cooperation we authored,

121

and we don't need to dismantle the global institutions of the old order that together we built.

122

But these must be reformed.

123

These must be rebuilt.

124

For example, the United Nations still has tremendous potential to be a tool for good in the world.

125

But we cannot ignore that today on the most pressing matters before us.

126

It has no answers and has played virtually no role.

127

It could not solve the war in Gaza.

128

Instead, it was American leadership that freed captives from barbarians and brought about a fragile truce.

129

It has not solved the war in Ukraine.

130

It took American leadership in partnership with many of the countries

131

here today just to bring the two sides to the table in search of a still elusive peace.

132

It was powerless to constrain the nuclear program of radical Shia clerics in Tehran

133

that required 14 bombs dropped with precision from American B-2 bombers.

134

And it was unable to address the threat to our security from a narco-terrorist dictator in Venezuela.

135

Instead it took American special forces to bring this fugitive to justice.

136

In a perfect world, all of these problems and more would be solved by diplomats and strongly worded resolutions.

137

But we do not live in a perfect world.

138

And we cannot continue to allow those who blatantly

139

and openly threaten our citizens

140

and endanger our global stability to shield themselves behind abstractions of international law which they themselves routinely violate.

141

This is the path that President Trump and the United States has embarked upon.

142

It is the path we ask you here in Europe to join us on.

143

It is a path we have walked together before and hope to walk together again.

144

For five centuries before the end of the Second World War, the West had been expanding, its missionaries, its pilgrims, its soldiers,

145

its explorers pouring out from its shores to cross oceans, settle new continents, build vast empires extending out across the globe.

146

But in 1945, for the first time since the age of Columbus, it was contracting.

147

Europe was in ruins.

148

Half of it lived behind an iron curtain, and the rest looked like it would soon follow.

149

The great Western empires had entered into terminal decline, accelerated by godless communist revolutions and by anti-colonial uprisings

150

that would transform the world and drape the red hammer

151

and sickle across vast swaths of the map in the years to come.

152

Against that backdrop then, as now, many came to believe that the West's age of dominance had come to an end

153

and that our future was destined to be a faint and feeble echo of our past.

154

But together, our predecessors recognized that decline was a choice, and it was a choice they refused to make.

155

This is what we did together once before.

156

And this is what President Trump

157

and the United States want to do again now together with you

158

and this is why we do not want our allies to be weak

159

because that makes us weaker we want allies who can defend themselves so

160

that no adversary will ever be tempted to test our collective

161

strength this is why we do not want our allies to be shackled by guilt

162

and shame we want allies who are proud of their culture

163

and of their heritage who understand that we are heirs to the same great

164

and noble civilization and who together with us are willing

165

and able to defend it

166

and this is why we do not want allies to rationalize

167

the broken status quo rather than reckon with what is what

168

what is necessary to fix it for we in america have no interest in being polite and orderly caretakers

169

of the West's managed decline.

170

We do not seek to separate, but to revitalize an old friendship and renew the greatest civilization in human history.

171

What we want is a reinvigorated alliance that recognizes

172

that what has ailed our societies is not just a set of bad policies, but a malaise of hopelessness and complacency.

173

An alliance is what the alliance that we want is one that is not paralyzed into an action by fear.

174

Fear of climate change, fear of war, fear of technology.

175

Instead, we want an alliance that boldly races into the future.

176

And the only fear we have is the fear of the shame of not leaving our nations prouder, stronger, and wealthier for our children.

177

An alliance ready to defend our people, to safeguard our interests, and to preserve the freedom of action that allows us to shape our own destiny.

178

Not one that exists to operate a global welfare state and atone for the purported sins of past generations.

179

An alliance that does not allow its power to be outsourced, constrained, or subordinated to systems beyond its control.

180

One that does not depend on others for the critical necessities of its national life.

181

And one that does not maintain the polite pretense

182

that our way of life is just one among many and that asks for permission before it acts.

183

And above all, an alliance based on the recognition that we, the West, have inherited together.

184

What we have inherited together is something that is unique and distinctive and irreplaceable.

185

Because this, after all, is the very foundation of the transatlantic bond.

186

Acting together in this way, we will not just help recover a sane foreign policy.

187

It will restore to us a clear sense of ourselves.

188

It will restore a place in the world.

189

And in so doing, it will rebuke and deter the forces of civilizational erasure that today menace both America and Europe alike.

190

So in a time of headlines heralding the end of the transatlantic era,

191

let it be known and clear to all that this is neither our goal nor our wish.

192

Because for us Americans, our home may be in the Western Hemisphere, but we will always be a child of Europe.

193

Our story began with an Italian explorer whose adventure into the

194

great unknown to discover a new world brought Christianity to the Americas

195

and became the legend that defined the imagination of our pioneer nation.

196

Our first colonies were built by English settlers to whom we owe not just the language we speak, but the whole of our political and legal system.

197

Our frontiers were shaped by Scots-Irish, that proud hardy clan from the hills of Ulster

198

that gave us Davy Crockett and Mark Twain and Teddy Roosevelt and Neil Armstrong.

199

Our great Midwestern heartland was built by German farmers and craftsmen who transformed empty plains into a global agricultural powerhouse and,

200

by the way, dramatically upgraded the quality of American beer.

201

Our expansion into the interior followed the footsteps of French fur traders and explorers whose names,

202

by the way, still adorn the street signs and towns' names all across the Mississippi Valley.

203

Our horses, our ranches, our rodeos, the entire romance of the cowboy archetype that became synonymous with the American West.

204

These were born in Spain.

205

And our largest and most iconic city was named New Amsterdam before it was named New York.

206

And you know that in the year that my country was founded,

207

Lorenzo and Catalina Giraldi lived in Casal Monferrato in the Kingdom of Piedmont, Sardinia.

208

And Jose and Manuel Arena lived in Sevilla, Spain.

209

I don't know what, if anything, they knew about the 13 colonies which had gained their independence from the British Empire.

210

But here's what I'm certain of.

211

They could have never imagined

212

that 250 years later one of their direct descendants would be

213

back here today on this continent as the chief diplomat of that infant nation.

214

And yet here I am, reminded by my own story that both our histories and our fates will always be linked.

215

Together we rebuilt the shattered continent in the wake of two devastating world wars

216

When we found ourselves divided once again by the Iron Curtain,

217

the Free West linked arms with the courageous dissidents struggling against tyranny in the East to defeat Soviet communism.

218

We have fought against each other, then reconciled, then fought, then reconciled again.

219

And we have bled and died side by side on battlefields from Kapyong to Kandahar.

220

And I'm here today to leave it clear that America is charting the path for a new century of prosperity,

221

and that once again, we want to do it together with you, our cherished allies and our oldest friends.

222

We want to do it together with you, with a Europe that is proud of its heritage and of its history,

223

with a Europe that has the spirit of creation and liberty that sent ships out into uncharted seas and birthed our civilization,

224

with a Europe that has the means to defend itself and the will to survive.

225

We should be proud of what we achieved together in the last century,

226

but now we must confront and embrace the opportunities of a new one.

227

Because yesterday is over.

228

The future is inevitable.

229

And our destiny together awaits.

230

Thank you.

231

Mr. Secretary, I'm not sure you heard the sigh of relief through this hall

232

when we were just listening to what I would interpret as a message of reassurance, of partnership.

233

spoke of intertwined relations between the United States

234

and Europe reminds me of statements made decades ago by your predecessors when the discussion was,

235

is actually America a European power?

236

Is America a power in Europe?

237

Thank you for offering this message of reassurance about our partnership.

238

This is actually not the first time that Marco Rubio is here at the Munich Security Conference.

239

He's been here before a couple of times, but it's the first time he has been and he is the Speaker as Secretary of State.

240

So thank you again.

241

We have only a couple of minutes now for just a few questions.

242

And if I may, we collected questions from the audience.

243

One of the key issues here yesterday, today, is of course, continues to be the question of how to deal with the war in Ukraine.

244

Many of us in the discussions of the last day,

245

last 24 hours, have voiced their impression that the Russians,

246

let me put it colloquially the Russians are playing for time, they're not really interested in a meaningful settlement,

247

there is no indication that they're willing to compromise on any of their maximalist objectives.

248

Offer to us, if you could, your assessment of where we are and where you think we can go.

249

Well, I think where we are at this point is that the issues at play that have to be, Here's the good news.

250

The good news is that the issues that need to be confronted to end this war have been narrowed.

251

That's the good news.

252

The bad news is they've been narrowed to the hardest questions to answer.

253

And work remains to be done in that front.

254

I hear your point about the answers we don't know.

255

We don't know the Russians are serious about ending the war.

256

They say they are and under what terms they were willing to do it

257

and whether we can find terms that are acceptable to Ukraine upon that Russia will always agree to.

258

But we're going to continue to test it.

259

In the meantime, everything else continues to happen.

260

The United States has imposed additional sanctions on Russia's oil.

261

In our conversations with India, we've gotten their commitment to stop buying additional Russian oil.

262

Europe has taken its set of steps moving forward.

263

The Pearl Program continues in which American weaponry is being sold for the Ukrainian war effort.

264

So all these things continue.

265

Nothing has stopped in the interim.

266

So there's no buying of time here in that regard.

267

What we can't answer, but we're going to continue to test, is whether there is an outcome that Ukraine can live with and that Russia will accept.

268

And I would say it's been elusive up to this point.

269

We've made progress in the sense that for the first time, I think, in years, at least at the technical level, there were military officials from both sides that met together last week.

270

And there'll be meetings again on Tuesday, although it may not be the same group of people.

271

Look, we're going to continue to do everything we can to play this role of bringing this war to the United States.

272

Anybody in this room would be against a negotiated settlement to this war so long as the conditions are just and sustainable.

273

And that's what we aim to achieve.

274

And we're going to continue to try to achieve it even

275

as all these other things continue to happen on the sanctions front and so forth.

276

Thank you very much.

277

I'm sure if we had more time, there were many questions on Ukraine.

278

But let me conclude by asking a question about something entirely different.

279

The next speaker here in just a couple of minutes will be the Foreign Minister of China.

280

When you served in the Senate, sir, people considered you a kind of a China hawk. So did they.

281

So did they?

282

Yeah.

283

The – we know

284

that there will be in about two months' time a summit meeting between President Trump and President Xi Jinping.

285

Give us your expectation.

286

Are you optimistic?

287

Can there be a quote-unquote deal with China?

288

What do you expect?

289

Well, I would say this.

290

The two largest economies in the world, two of the big powers on the planet, we have an obligation to communicate with them and talk,

291

and so do many of you on a bilateral basis as well.

292

I mean, it would be geopolitical malpractice to not be in conversations with China.

293

I would say this.

294

Because we're two large countries with huge global interests, our national interests will often not align.

295

national interests and ours are not aligned

296

and we owe it to the world to try to manage those as best we can, obviously avoiding conflict, both economic and worse.

297

And that's so, it's important for us to have communications with them in that regard.

298

On areas in which our interests are aligned, I think we can work together to make positive impact on the world and we seek opportunities to do that with them.

299

But we have to have a relationship with China

300

and many of the countries represented here today are going to have to have a relationship with China, always understanding that nothing that we agreed to could come at the expense of our national interest.

301

And frankly, we expect China to act in their national interest, as we expect every nation state to act in their national interest.

302

And the goal of diplomacy is to try to navigate those times in

303

which our national interests come into conflict with one another, always hoping to do it peacefully.

304

I think we also have a special obligation because whatever happens between the U.S and China on trade has a global implication.

305

So there are long-term challenges that we face

306

that we're going to have to confront that are going to be irritants in our relationship with China, That's not just true for the United States, that's true for the broader West.

307

But I do think we need to try to manage those the best we can to avoid unnecessary friction if it's possible.

308

But no one is under any illusions.

309

There are some fundamental challenges between our countries and between the West

310

and China that will continue for the foreseeable future for a variety of reasons.

311

And it's some of the things we hope to work together with you on.

312

Thank you very much, Mr. Secretary.

313

We've run out of time.

314

I'm sorry that I can't take questions from all those who wanted to ask questions.

315

Mr. Secretary of State, thank you for this message of reassurance.

316

I think this is much appreciated here in the hall.

317

Let's offer a round of applause.

318

Ladies and gentlemen, thank you for your name, Tita.

319

Ladies and gentlemen,

Cos'è la tecnica dello Shadowing?

Shadowing è una tecnica di apprendimento delle lingue supportata da studi scientifici, originariamente sviluppata per la formazione dei traduttori professionisti e resa popolare dal poliglotta Dr. Alexander Arguelles. Il metodo è semplice ma potente: ascolti un audio in inglese di madrelingua e lo ripeti immediatamente ad alta voce — come un'ombra che segue il parlante con un ritardo di solo 1–2 secondi. A differenza dell'ascolto passivo o degli esercizi di grammatica, lo shadowing costringe il tuo cervello e i muscoli della bocca a elaborare e riprodurre simultaneamente i modelli di discorso reale. La ricerca dimostra che migliora significativamente la precisione della pronuncia, l'intonazione, il ritmo, il discorso connesso, la comprensione dell'ascolto e la fluidità del parlato — rendendolo uno dei metodi più efficaci per la preparazione alla prova di speaking dell'IELTS e per la comunicazione reale in inglese.

Pratica di Shadowing: Secretary Marco Rubio Remarks at Munich Security Conference - Impara a parlare inglese con i video

Informazioni su questa lezione

Cos'è la tecnica dello Shadowing?