Pratica di Shadowing: Why Muslim Countries Are Banning the Hijab in Schools - Impara a parlare inglese con i video
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Every September, the start of the school year brings the same fight across the Turkic world,
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and also in Tajikistan.
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Devout families in the state square off over whether a girl
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may wear a headscarf to class at school gates in western Kazakhstan and the Uzbek provinces and at Tajik universities.
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This year, Azerbaijan joined the fight.
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On September 21st, the cabinet administers issued a decree on what children may wear to public school.
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The word hijab appears nowhere in the text, and nobody in Baku misread its target.
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The region's leaders have never been coy about the stakes.
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In 2012, Nur Sultan Nazarbayev declared that wearing Arabic hijabs
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and sending our women back to the Middle Ages is not our path.
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The fight also draws in the region's powers.
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When Baku first tried the school ban in 2010, an Iranian Grand Ayatollah condemned it.
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This month, the sharpest objections came from Turkey, Azerbaijan's closest ally.
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The Islamist monthly Baran accused Baku of reviving 100-year-old Kamalist prohibitionism,
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and the pro-government daily Yeni Akhip ran the story as its banner headline and the teachers of the U.S.
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Soviet Union.
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This is Tehran Research Center, hosted by the Yurtown Institute, where we break down the geopolitics of Turkey, Iran, the Caucasus, and Central Asia.
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If you're new here and want more analysis like this, please like, subscribe, and leave your thoughts in the comments.
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Now, let's get into it.
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The decree completes a sequence that began in July, when Azerbaijan's parliament, D'Amelie Medjlis, amended the law in general education.
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The amendment defines the school system as secular and grounded in national and universal values, and it binds pupils, teachers,
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and parents to state dress requirements.
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Decision number 309 supplies the mechanism.
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Each school's pedagogical council rules on compliance, and parents answer for it.
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National dress remains welcome at cultural events.
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The decree also cleaned up a mess.
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In February and March, school directors in Sumgayit, Mehdiabad, and elsewhere sent girls and headscarps home with no legal basis.
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One school expelled 23 pupils in a single day.
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When rights lawyers objected, the schools quietly relented.
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But now, the next school director who sends a girl home will have regulations to point to.
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What sets Azerbaijan apart from its Central Asian neighbors is how little demand there is for the headscarf in the first place.
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Azerbaijan ranks among the least observant Muslim-majority societies in the world.
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Gallup has placed it among the least religious countries anywhere, and only 1% of Azerbaijani Muslims told Pew that they attend mosque weekly.
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Demand is concentrated in pockets of Shia observance, such as the town of Nardaran outside Baku, where Iranian influence runs deep.
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When the education ministry first tried a school ban in 2010, protests broke out in Baku and Nardaran, and the Iranian Grand Ayatollah,
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Nasr Meharam Shirazi, condemned it publicly.
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The ministry backed down.
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Demonstrators jailed after later protests became known as the hijab prisoners and a cause for Iran-aligned networks.
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The decree has brought the fight back to the street.
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Why?
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Why?
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Because of the government's rights.
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The government's rights.
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Girls and headscarves have been turned away at school gates in Baku, Sumgayit, and Jalilabad, and on October 6,
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the government extended the dress rules to teachers, some of whom were told to uncover or resign.
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Don't be afraid of you!
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Don't be afraid of you!
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Don't be afraid of you!
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Don't be afraid of you!
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The protests that followed have been scattered rather than massive.
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People's boycotting class in Baku's Balakhani settlement, and in Masali, families gathering at school entrances and clashes with school staff.
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Some have turned violent.
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Videos from protests show demonstrators forcing their way into school buildings and vandalizing school property.
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On October 12th, the Interior Ministry announced 37 detentions and opened a criminal case for disrupting public order.
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and videos posted from the protest.
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Demonstrators chant .
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A pledge to the hidden imam of Shia belief in the language of Iran's revolutionary rallies
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and we will die before we give up the hijab.
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The ideology and informative events will never stop.
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It was before, but today in Azad Qarabağ, in the Azərbaycan, the movement was more difficult to get the attack.
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The government's answer on air.
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It was a student, a student, a student, a student.
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And the government's attitude and the government's attitude and the government's
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time of the world.
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Tehran's interest is no secret, even to its own diplomats.
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Javad Zarif, Iran's former foreign minister, put it this way.
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Azerbaijan is a Shia majority state on Iran's border,
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and Tehran has long cast itself as the guardian of Azerbaijan's Shia. In Baku,
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the question of who decides what a girl wears to school comes down to who holds sovereignty over religious life in Azerbaijan.
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Iran's hostility is predictable.
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Turkey's reaction exposed the limits of the slogan the two governments use to describe their alliance, one nation, two states.
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Islam, enemies, enemies!
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Even before the decree, Istanbul MP Mustafa Yeneroglu, a former AKP lawmaker, had called the spring expulsion systematic and warned that
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Turkey's own experience showed the path to be a dead end.
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After the decree came the press campaign from Baran and Yeni Akit.
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Within days, Emili Meclis' commission on foreign interference and Azerbaijan's media regulator
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accused unnamed circles in Turkey of running a coordinated social media campaign using real
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and fake accounts and targeted advertising to turn Azerbaijanis against their own government and against the alliance.
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Both ask Ankara to act against the organizers.
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Neither statement named the subject of the posts.
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Baku has lodged complaints like this before.
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Its ties with Israel have drawn sustained fire in Turkish media since the Gaza war.
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In March, after a drone strike on Nakshaban that Baku blamed on Iran, a wave of Turkish posts accused Aliyev of doing Washington's and Israel's bidding.
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Ankara's own disinformation center blocked 41 accounts and appealed for calm.
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Turkish religious conservatives react this strongly because they recognize the policy.
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The Turkish Republic enforced headscarf bans for decades.
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Between 2010 and 2017, the AKP dismantled them in universities, the civil service, schools, the police, and in the military.
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For the party's base, the campaign is a founding story of rights won from an overbearing secular state.
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Turkish secularists tell the story the other way around.
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They argue that the state owes minors a classroom free of religious identity markers,
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and that the AKP used the language of rights to advance a political program.
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Northern Cyprus put that argument to the test.
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In March In March 2025, a middle school in northern Nicosia turned away a pupil and a headscarf.
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Prime Minister Önal Öztel's government responded by amending school regulations to permit it.
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Thousands marched under the slogan, Cyprus is secular and will remain secular.
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The teachers union leader, Elma Ailem, called the change AKP social engineering.
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A month later, Turkish Sybarates elected the opposition leader Turfan Erhuman, president over Ankara's preferred candidate.
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In Nicosia and in Baku, defending the secular school has become a way to mark distance from Ankara without breaking with it.
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In Central Asia, the pressure comes from below,
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and the argument over the hijab is at the root of an argument over who defines national identity after the Soviet Union.
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The region's states emerged in 1991, with Soviet-trained secular elites and populations whose
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Islam had been largely hollowed.
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The religious revival in large part arrived from abroad, through missionaries, Gulf-funded scholarships and later social media.
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Governments built official spiritual administrations to train imams and issue rulings the state could accept.
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Islam practiced outside those channels became a security matter, and dress became the most visible border between the two.
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Nur Sultan Nazarbayi put it plainly in 2012, Wearing Arabic hijabs and sending our women back to the Middle Ages is not our path.
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In 2024, Qasim Jamar Takayev told the national Kurultai
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that the spread of black robes was a thoughtless imitation of foreign norms rooted in fanaticism.
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That same year, Tajikistan passed a law banning clothing alien to national culture.
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Since 2023, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan, and Kazakhstan have all banned the face veil in public.
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Each state promotes a national alternative the Kazakh Kameshek, the Kyrgyz Elytschek, a Yuluk,
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the Uzbek Romal headscarf, a Ndopi skullcap,
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the Tajik Atlas dress, and light scarf knotted at the nape that grandmother wore through the Soviet decades.
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Every one of these governments gives the same answer.
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The hijab is an import, modesty belongs to the national tradition, and the public school must remain secular.
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That answer is under growing pressure because the hijab itself is gaining ground, above all among young Central Asians.
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For them, it signals piety and modernity and a break with their parents' Soviet-inflected Islam.
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Each September brings new standoffs at school gates in western Kazakhstan, in the Uzbek provinces, and at Tajik universities.
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Turkey, Iran, and the Gulf monarchies all use mosques, scholarships, and religious media as instruments of soft power in the region,
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but none of them mounts the kind of state-sponsored challenge Baku faces from Tehran.
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The most durable secular models draw the line at the door of the state.
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In Azerbaijan and Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan, since its 2021 religion law, a woman may wear a hijab in the street,
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at a private workplace, and in the mosque.
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Religious practice is broadly protected so long as it avoids what the state defines as extremism
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or incitement to ethnic or religious hatred.
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The restriction applies to public school, the institution these states rely on to build a shared civic identity.
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Kazakhstan has gone furthest in giving the secular school a constitutional footing.
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The new constitution, approved by referendum in March and enforced since July, guarantees secular education everywhere outside religious institutions.
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The rule it protects is a 2016
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Education Ministry Uniform Order barring religious attire.
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Since 2017, that order has produced a confrontation every September, concentrated in the more conservative
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West and South of the country.
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The courts have set terms.
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In 2024, the Supreme Court held that a school may not deny a girl her education,
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but also that the ministry sets the uniform and parents must comply with it.
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Chekayev has said repeatedly that schools are places for acquiring knowledge, and the religious belief is a private matter.
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This September tested the model.
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Education Minister Julduz Suleymanova warned that private schools admitting girls in hijabs could lose their licenses.
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She noted that the National Security Committee, the Cayenne Bay, sits on the Enforcement Commission.
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The state Muftiyat replied that covering is obligatory for girls past puberty.
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It proposed headscarves matched to the school uniform.
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Then it deleted the post.
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Oljas Kudebergenov, a former advisor to Tukayev, sided with the clerics.
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The Times of Central Asia read the whole episode as a split inside the establishment,
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with the religious camp arguing calmly and the secularists reaching for the security services.
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The division inside the elite matters.
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Yet the way it plays out makes the strongest case for Kazakhstan's model.
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The dispute runs through a constitution, the courts, a ministry, and a muftiat that ultimately answers to the state,
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and every side argues it in the open.
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The secular state also commands a public that shares its instincts.
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In Pew's survey, only 18% of Kazakhstan's Muslims said religion was very important in their lives.
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That public has also watched the hijab promoted in ways that looked more like a marketing campaign than a religious awakening.
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The influencer episode looks different up close.
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In early 2023, several Instagram influencers with audiences in the millions, accounts built on luxury brands, beauty content, and beach photos,
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adopted the hijab within weeks of one another and began posting religious content.
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Kazakh media reported that bloggers had been offered money to cover.
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The television host, Dinara Satchan, said bloggers had told her the sums were large.
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Gulnara Bashkeneva, editor-in-chief of the news site Orda, said the synchronized change of lifestyles looked from the outside like a marketing strategy.
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to organize their life, their orthodox religion.
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her to cover again.
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For many Kazakhs, the episode reinforced the suspicion that the hijab spread owes as much to money and fashion as to faith.
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On the hijab itself, Uzbekistan looks like its neighbors.
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It finds the face veil, bars the hijab from state schools, and permits only a light national headscarf tied to leave the chin uncovered.
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On other religious questions, it has moved in the opposite direction.
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Since 2016, Shevkat Mirziwev has restored the public call to prayer.
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The security service's blacklist of suspected extremists has been cut from more than 17,500 names to about 1,350.
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The ban on religious dress in public has been lifted.
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The state has also made room for commentators and preachers whose views Uzbekistan's first president, Islam Karimov, would have treated as subversive.
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Kamala de Nourabimov, among the country's most prominent political commentators, has praised Mirzioya for treating
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Islam as a source of national unity.
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He welcomed the appointment of an education minister open to headscarves in schools.
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Abrar Mukhtar Ali, a preacher with some 1.1 million YouTube subscribers, has repeatedly provoked public outrage with his sermons on gender,
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such as women like husbands who beat them.
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He has held posts at both the official
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Muslim board and the state's center of Islamic civilization.
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When one of his statements set off a backlash, the center apologized for his remarks, then gave him a new position.
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Tashkent co-ops the religious revival by bringing its loudest voices inside state institutions.
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That gives officials standing to views on women's place that go well beyond anything in the school uniform rules.
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Uzbek secularism holds firm at the schoolhouse door and grows more negotiable elsewhere.
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Tajikistan has the widest gap in the region between its government and population.
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Shortly after independence, The country fell into a civil war from 1992 to 1997
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that killed tens of thousands and pitted the secular government against an Islamist-led opposition.
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It remains the poorest of the former Soviet republics.
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Remittances for migrant workers, most of them in Russia, are worth nearly half of GDP.
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Religiosity was rising well before the state's harshest measures.
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In Pew's survey from 2011 and 2012, half of Tajik Muslims called religion very important in their lives,
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and 27% favored Sharia as state law.
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Extremist influence reaches the country from several directions.
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In 2015, Tehran received the exiled leader of the banned
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Islamic Renaissance Party as a guest of honor.
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Militant networks operate from across the Afghan border.
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More than 1,300 Tajiks went to fight for the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria.
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Among them was Gulmurad Halimov, commander of Tajikistan's own special police, who defected in 2015 and became the group's minister of war.
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Most of those recruits were radicalized as migrant workers in Russia.
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All four gunmen charged in the March 2024 Kroka City Hall attack near Moscow were Tajik citizens.
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A government with few resources is answered with force.
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It barred the hijab from schools in 2007 and from public institutions in 2009.
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It banned the Islamic Renaissance Party in 2015 and has closed more than 1,500 mosques since 2011.
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In 2024, it outlawed alien clothing in public.
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Private citizens face fines of about $730 more than four months average wages.
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Officials, clerics and businesses face fines of up to five thousand dollars.
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Women have been turned away from hospitals over their headscarves
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and men have been forced to shape even as officials denied that any ban exists.
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These measures have pushed religiosity out of public view.
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They have done nothing to close the gap between a narrow secular elite and an increasingly devout society.
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Turkmenistan has taken the question out of society's hands.
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It needs no hijab law because it prescribes women's appearances directly.
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Through the unpublished presidential recommendations, teachers, students, and civil servants wear national dress.
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Since 2025, women working in Ashgabat have been told to wear yellow headscarves and dresses.
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Turkmen women are effectively required to cover their hair as as long as the headscarf is the state's.
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Kyrgyzstan sits at the opposite pole.
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It is the only state in the region that allows the hijab in the classroom.
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It also has the densest networks of Islamic schools and, in Pew's data, the strongest support for Sharia's state law at 35%.
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Even Bishkek banned the face fail in 2025, citing the Mufti's ruling that it was a foreign trend.
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Its tolerance in the classroom reflects a weaker state in a more religious society.
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The face veil ban shows how quickly that tolerance narrows once the government decides the practice is foreign.
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Azerbaijan and Kazakhstan stand apart because their secularism rests on consent as well as force.
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Baku has written it into statute and Erstenah into its constitution.
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Both root disputes through courts and ministries.
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Both publish the rules they enforce and both keep the restriction at the schoolhouse door while leaving religious life beyond it free.
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Both also govern publics that largely serve the premise.
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In Pew's survey, Azerbaijan and Kazakhstan recorded the region's lowest support for Sharia's state law at 8 and 10 percent.
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Each has a vulnerability.
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In Azerbaijan, it lies in enforcement, where security-first approach risks handing Iran-line networks the same grievance they cultivated after 2010.
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In Kazakhstan, it lies within the elite a muftiat willing to contradict a minister in public
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and a former presidential advisor willing to side with it, suggests the consensus is thinner at the top than the constitution implies.
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The regional powers will test both.
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Iran's interest in Azerbaijan's Shia has only sharpened since this year's war.
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Turkey's challenge is subtler and harder to manage because it comes from an ally.
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Ankara presents the Organization of Turkic States as a civilizational community,
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and its religious institutions and pro-government media carry the AKP's model of public piety into the region.
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Baku and Astana work closely with Ankara on energy, transport, and security, but neither lets a partner dictate its foreign or domestic policy,
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and Northern Cyprus showed the same resistance in Turkey's closest dependency.
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Both governments have concluded
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that a girl's headscarf is their own business everywhere except the one building where the state is trying to make citizens.
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Tehran, Ankara, and the families at the school gate will keep testing that line every September.
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Thank you.
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Vocabolario e note di pronuncia per questa lezione
Questa lezione di conversazione si basa sul video “Why Muslim Countries Are Banning the Hijab in Schools”. Le parole che ritornano più spesso: religious, hijab, secular, Baku. Questo video contiene 75 frasi e 3120 parole da ripetere con lo shadowing. Il parlato dura 24:18. Chi parla mantiene un ritmo costante di circa 128 parole al minuto, comodo per lo shadowing. Solo il 73% delle parole rientra nelle 3.000 più comuni dell’inglese, quindi il lessico è impegnativo.
Vocaboli chiave di questo video
15 parole del video che vale la pena imparare, con pronuncia e significato:
| Parola | Pronuncia | Significato |
|---|---|---|
| secular aggettivo | /ˈsɛkjʊlə/ | secolare, laico |
| decree sostantivo | /dɪˈkɹiː/ | decreto, ordinanza |
| protest sostantivo | /ˈpɹoʊ.tɛst/ | protesta |
| gate sostantivo | /ˈɡeɪ̯t/ | cancello |
| uniform sostantivo | /ˈjunɪˌfɔɹm/ | uniforme, divisa |
| classroom sostantivo | /ˈklɑːsɹʊm/ | classe, aula |
| mosque sostantivo | /mɑsk/ | moschea |
| blogger sostantivo | /ˈblɔ.ɡəɹ/ | blogger, bloggista |
| argue verbo | /ˈɑɹ.ɡju/ | discutere, dibattere |
| elite sostantivo | /ɪˈlit/ | élite |
| deny verbo | /dəˈnaɪ/ | negare |
| define verbo | /dɪˈfaɪn/ | definire, determinare |
| pupil sostantivo | /ˈpjuːpəl/ | allievo, allieva |
| accuse verbo | /əˈkjuz/ | accusare |
| clothing sostantivo | /ˈkloʊðɪŋ/ | abbigliamento, vestiti |
I phrasal verb che sentirai
| Parola | Significato |
|---|---|
| back down verbo | cedere |
| clean up verbo | ripulire |
| give up verbo | arrendersi |
| play out verbo | svolgere |
| set off verbo | causare, determinare |
La grammatica di questo video
Le strutture che chi parla usa di più, con le parole esatte del video:
| Struttura | Nel video |
|---|---|
| Present perfect have/has + participio passato — un’azione passata che conta ancora adesso | have never been · has placed · has brought |
| Forma passiva be + participio passato — conta ciò che accade, non chi lo fa | is concentrated · have been turned · were told |
Pronuncia a cui fare attenzione
Chi parla usa 4 contrazioni e forme ridotte, come I'll, I'm, I've. Pronunciale nella forma breve, così come le senti.
- I suoni “th”: clothing /ˈkloʊðɪŋ/, ethnic /ˈɛθ.nɪk/, gather /ˈɡæðɚ/
- I suoni “sh” e “zh”: scholarship /ˈskɑːləɹʃɪp/, restriction /ɹɪˈstɹɪkʃən/, shortly /ˈʃɔɹtli/, establishment /ɪˈstæb.lɪʃ.mənt/, institution /ˌɪn.stɪˈtʃuː.ʃən/
- Parole lunghe — attenzione all’accento: repeatedly /ɹɪˈpiːtɪdli/, commentator /ˈkɑmənˌteɪtəɹ/, universal /ˌjunəˈvɜɹs(ə)l/, establishment /ɪˈstæb.lɪʃ.mənt/, institution /ˌɪn.stɪˈtʃuː.ʃən/
I suoni difficili per chi parla italiano:
- /h/ — va soffiata, non è muta: nowhere /ˈnoʊ.(h)wɛɹ/, hatred /ˈheɪtɹɪd/, headline /ˈhɛd.laɪn/, hijab /hɪˈd͡ʒɑːb/, headscarf /ˈhɛdˌskɑɹf/
- Consonante finale — senza aggiungere una vocale dopo: protest /ˈpɹoʊ.tɛst/, gate /ˈɡeɪ̯t/, mosque /mɑsk/, elite /ɪˈlit/, accuse /əˈkjuz/
- /æ/ — più aperta della “e”: adviser /ædˈvaɪ.zɚ/, alley /ˈæl.i/, rank /ˈɹæŋk/, establishment /ɪˈstæb.lɪʃ.mənt/, narrow /ˈnæɹəʊ/
Come esercitarsi con questo video
- Ascolta tutto il video una volta senza parlare e annota le parole che non conosci.
- Fai shadowing frase per frase a velocità normale, ripetendo ognuna finché il tuo ritmo coincide con quello di chi parla.
- Registrati e confronta con l’originale, facendo attenzione a parole come secular, decree, protest.
Cos'è la tecnica dello Shadowing?
Shadowing è una tecnica di apprendimento delle lingue supportata da studi scientifici, originariamente sviluppata per la formazione dei traduttori professionisti e resa popolare dal poliglotta Dr. Alexander Arguelles. Il metodo è semplice ma potente: ascolti un audio in inglese di madrelingua e lo ripeti immediatamente ad alta voce — come un'ombra che segue il parlante con un ritardo di solo 1–2 secondi. A differenza dell'ascolto passivo o degli esercizi di grammatica, lo shadowing costringe il tuo cervello e i muscoli della bocca a elaborare e riprodurre simultaneamente i modelli di discorso reale. La ricerca dimostra che migliora significativamente la precisione della pronuncia, l'intonazione, il ritmo, il discorso connesso, la comprensione dell'ascolto e la fluidità del parlato — rendendolo uno dei metodi più efficaci per la preparazione alla prova di speaking dell'IELTS e per la comunicazione reale in inglese.