ฝึกพูดภาษาอังกฤษด้วยเทคนิค Shadowing จากวิดีโอ: 1. Introduction: What is Political Philosophy?
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Let me start today by asking the question, what is political philosophy?
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Custom dictates that I say something about the subject matter of this course at its outset.
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This in some ways might seem a case of putting the cart before the horse
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or the the course maybe because how can you say,
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how can we say what political philosophy is in advance of doing it?
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Anyway, let me try to say something that might be useful.
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In one sense, you could say political philosophy is simply a branch
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or what we call a subfield of the field of political political science, yes, right?
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It exists alongside of other areas of political inquiry like American government,
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comparative politics, and international relations.
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Yet in another sense, political philosophy is something much different than simply a subfield.
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It seems to be the oldest and most fundamental part of political science.
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Its purpose is to and lay bare, as it were, the fundamental problems,
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the fundamental concepts and categories which frame the study of politics.
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In this respect,
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it seems to me much less like just a branch of political science than a foundation of the entire discipline.
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The study of political philosophy often begins,
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as this course will people do also with the study of the great books
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or some of the great books of our field.
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Political philosophy is the oldest of the social sciences
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and it can boast a wealth of heavy hitters from Plato and Aristotle to Machiavelli,
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Hobbes, Hegel, Tocqueville, Nietzsche and so on.
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You might say that the best way to find out what political philosophy is,
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is simply to study and read the works of those who have shaped the field, yes, right?
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But to do that is, I recognize, not without dangers, often severe dangers of its own.
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Why study just these thinkers and not others?
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Isn't any so -called list of great thinkers
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or great texts It's likely to be simply arbitrary
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and to tell us more about what such a list excludes than what it includes.
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Furthermore, it would seem that the study of the great books
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or great thinkers of the past can easily degenerate into a kind of antiquarianism, into a sort of pedantry.
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We find ourselves easily intimidated by a list of famous names and end up not thinking for ourselves.
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Furthermore, doesn't this study of old books,
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often very old books, risk overlooking the issues facing us today?
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I mean, what can Aristotle or Hobbes tell us about the world of globalization,
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of terrorism, of ethnic conflict and the like?
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Doesn't political science make any progress.
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After all, economists no longer read Adam Smith.
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I hesitate to, but I don't hesitate to say
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that you will never read Adam Smith in an economics course here at Yale,
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and it is very unlikely that you will read Freud in your psychology classes.
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So why then When does political science, apparently uniquely among the social sciences,
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continue to study Aristotle, Locke, and other old books?
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These are all real questions, and I raise them now myself
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because they are questions I want you to be thinking about as you do your reading and work through this course course,
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I want you to remain alive to them throughout the semester, yes?
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Okay.
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One reason I want to suggest that we continue to read these books is not
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because political science makes no progress or that we are somehow uniquely fixated on an ancient past,
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but because these works provide us with the most basic I'll see you next week questions that continue to guide our field.
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We continue to ask the same questions that were asked by Plato, Machiavelli, Hobbes, and others.
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We may not accept their answers, and it's very likely that we do not,
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but their questions are often put with a kind of unrivaled clarity and insight.
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The fact is that there are still people in the world, world, many people who regard themselves as Aristotelians,
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Thomists, Lockeans, Kantians, even the occasional Marxist can still be found in the Ivy League universities.
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These doctrines have not simply been refuted or replaced or historically superseded,
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they remain in many ways constitutive of our most basic outlooks and attitudes.
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They are very much alive with us today, right?
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So political philosophy is not just some kind of strange historical appendage attached to the trunk of political science.
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It is constitutive of its deepest problems.
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If you doubt the importance of the study of political ideas for or politics, consider the works of a famous economist,
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John Maynard Keynes, everyone's heard of him.
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Keynes wrote in 1935, the ideas of economists and political philosophers, both when they are right and when they are wrong,
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are more powerful than is commonly understood.
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Practical men, Keynes continues,
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practical men who believe themselves to be quite exempt developed from any intellectual influence are usually the slave of some defunct economist.
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Mad men in authority who hear voices in the air are
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distilling their frenzy from some academic scribbler of a few years back.
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So this course will be devoted to the study of those academic mcScribblers who have written books that continue to impress
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and create the forms of authority with which we are familiar.
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But one thing we should not do, right, one thing we should not do is to approach these works as if they provide somehow answers,
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ready -made answers to the problems of today only we can provide answers to our problems.
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Rather, the great works provide us,
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so to speak, with a repository of fundamental or permanent questions that political scientists still continue to rely on in their work.
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The great thinkers are great, not because they've created some set of museum pieces that can can be cataloged,
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admired, and then safely ignored like a kind of antiquities gallery in the Metropolitan Museum of Art,
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but rather because they have defined the problems that all later thinkers
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and scholars have had to use in order to make sense of their world at all.
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Again, we still think in terms of the basic concepts and categories that were created for us long ago.
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So one thing you will quickly note is that there are no permanent answers in a study of political philosophy.
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A famous mathematician once said, every question must have a correct answer answer.
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For every question, one answer.
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That itself is an eminently contestable proposition.
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Among the great thinkers, there is profound disagreement over the answers to even the most fundamental questions concerning justice,
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concerning rights, concerning liberty.
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In political philosophy, it is never a sufficient answer to answer a question with the statement,
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because Plato says so, or because Nietzsche says so.
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There are no final authorities in that respect in philosophy because even the greatest thinkers disagree profoundly with
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one another over their answers, and it is precisely this disagreement with one another that makes it possible for us,
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the readers today, to enter into their conversation.
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We are called upon...
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First, to read and listen and then to judge who is right.
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How do we know?
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The only way to decide is not to defer to authority,
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whoever's authority, but to rely on our own powers of reason and judgment.
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In other words, the freedom of the human mind to determine to determine for us what seems right or best, okay?
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But what are these problems that I'm referring to?
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What are these problems that constitute the subject matter of the study of politics?
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What are the questions that political scientists try to answer?
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such a list may be long, but not infinitely so.
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Among the oldest and still most fundamental questions are, what is justice?
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What are the goals of a decent society?
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How should a citizen be educated?
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Why should I obey the law?
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And what are the limits, if any, to my obligation?
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What constitutes the ground of human dignity?
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Is it freedom?
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Is it virtue?
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Is it love?
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Is it friendship?
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And of course, the all -important question, even though political philosophers and political scientists rarely pronounce it,
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namely, quid sit Deus?
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What is God?
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Does he exist? and what does that imply for our obligations as human beings and citizens?
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Those are some of the most basic and fundamental problems of the study of politics.
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But you might say, where does one enter this debate?
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Which questions and which thinkers should one pick up for oneself?
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Perhaps the oldest and most fundamental The fundamental question that I wish to examine in the course of this semester
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is the question, what is a regime?
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What are regimes?
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What are regime politics?
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The term regime is a familiar one.
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We often hear today about shaping regimes or about changing regimes, but what is a regime? regime?
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How many kinds are there?
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How are they defined?
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What holds them together and what causes them to fall apart?
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Is there a single best regime?
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Those are the questions I want us to consider.
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The concept of the regime is perhaps the oldest and most fundamental of political ideas.
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It goes back to Plato and even before him.
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In fact, the title of the book that you will be reading part of for this semester, Plato's Republic, is actually a translation,
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the title of it, of the Greek word politeia that means constitution or regime.
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The Republic is a book about the regime
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and all later political philosophy is a series of footnotes to Plato
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and that And that means that it must provide a series of variations, so to speak, on Plato's conception of the best regime.
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But what is a regime?
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Broadly speaking, the regime indicates a form of government, whether it is ruled by the one,
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the few, the many, or as more common, some mixture or combination of these three ruling powers.
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The regime is defined in the first instance by how a people are governed and how public offices are distributed by election,
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by birth, by lot, by outstanding personal qualities and achievements and what constitutes a people's rights and responsibilities.
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The regime again refers above all to a form of government.
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The political world does not present itself as simply an infinite variety of different shapes.
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It is structured and ordered into a few basic regime types.
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And this I take it to be one of the most important propositions and insights of political science.
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Right? So far?
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But there is a corollary to this insight.
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The regime is always something particular.
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It stands in a relation of opposition to other regime types.
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And as a consequence, the possibility of conflict,
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of tension and war is built into the very structure of politics.
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Regimes are necessarily partisan, that is to say they
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install certain loyalties and passions in the same way
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that one may feel partisanship to the New York Yankees
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or the Boston Red Sox or to Yale over all rival colleges and institutions, right?
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Fierce loyalty, partisanship.
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It's inseparable from the character of regime politics.
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These passionate attachments are not merely something that take place, you might say, between different regimes,
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but even within them as different parties and groups with loyalties and attachments contend for power,
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for honor, and for interest.
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Christ.
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Henry Adams once cynically reflected that politics is simply the organization of hatreds
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and there is more than a grain of truth to this, right?
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Although he did not say that it is also an attempt to channel
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and redirect those hatreds and animosities towards something like a common good.
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This raises a question.
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Is it possible to transform politics, to replace enmity and factional conflict with friendship,
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to replace conflict with harmony?
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Today it is the hope of many people, both here and abroad, that we might even overcome,
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might even transcend the basic structure of regime politics politics all together and organize our world
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around global norms of justice and international law.
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Is such a thing possible?
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It can't be ruled out, but such a world, I would note, that is to say a world administered by international courts of law,
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by judges and judicial tribunals,
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would no longer be a political world politics only takes place within the context of the particular.
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It is only possible within the structure of the regime itself.
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But a regime is more than simply a set of formal structures and institutions, okay?
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It consists of the entire way of life, of the moral and religious practices,
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the habits, customs and sentiments that make a people what they are.
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The regime constitutes an ethos, that is to say a distinctive character that nurtures distinctive human types.
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Every regime shapes a common character, a common character type with distinctive traits and qualities studies.
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So the study of regime politics is in part a study of the distinctive national character types that constitutes a citizen body.
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To take an example of what I mean, when Tocqueville studied the American regime, or the democratic regime, properly speaking,
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in Democracy in America, he started first with our formal political institutions as enumerated in the Constitution, such things as the separation of powers,
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the division between state and federal government and so on, but then went on to look at such informal practices as American manners and morals,
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our tendency to form small civic associations, our peculiar moralism and religious life, our defensiveness about democracy and so on.
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All of these intellectual and moral customs and habits help to can constitute the democratic regime.
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In this sense, the regime describes the character or tone of a society,
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what a society finds most praiseworthy, what it looks up to, okay?
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You can't understand a regime unless you understand, so to speak, what it stands for, what a people stand for,
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what they look up to, as well as, again, its structure of institutions and rights and privileges.
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This raises a further set of questions that we will consider over the term.
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How are regimes founded?
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The founding of regimes.
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What brings them into being and sustains them over time?
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For thinkers like Tocqueville, for example, regimes are embedded in the deep structures of human history
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that have determined over long centuries the shape of our political institutions and the way we think about them.
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Yet other voices within the tradition, Plato, Machiavelli, Rousseau come to mind,
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believe that regimes can be self -consciously founded through deliberate acts of great statesmen or founding fathers as we might call them.
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These statesmen, Machiavelli for example, refers to Romulus, Moses, Cyrus,
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as the founders that he looks to we might think of men like Washington, Jefferson, Adams and the like,
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are shapers of peoples and institutions.
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The very first of the Federalist Papers by Alexander Hamilton even begins by posing this question in the starkest terms.
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It has been frequently remarked,
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Hamilton writes, that it seems to have been reserved to the people of this conduct and example to decide the important question,
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whether societies of men are really capable or not of establishing good government from reflection and choice,
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or whether they are forever destined to depend for their political constitutions on accident and force.
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There we see Hamilton asking the basic question about the founding of political institutions.
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Are they created, as he puts it, by reflection and choice, that is to say by a deliberate act of statecraft and conscious human intelligence?
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Or are regimes always the product of accident, circumstance, custom, and history?
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But the idea that regimes may be created
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or founded concluded by a set of deliberate acts raises a further question
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that we will study and is inseparable from the study of regimes.
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N 'est -ce pas? Who is a statesman?
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What is a statesman?
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Again, one of the oldest questions of political science, very rarely asked by the political science of today,
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today that is very skeptical of the language of statesmanship.
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In its oldest sense, political science simply was a science of statecraft.
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It was addressed to statesmen or potential statesmen charged with steering the ship of state.
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What are the qualities necessary for sound statesmanship?
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How does statecraft differ from other kinds of activities? must the good statesman, as Plato believed, for example,
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be a philosopher versed in poetry, mathematics and metaphysics, or is statesmanship,
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as Aristotle believed, a purely practical skill requiring judgment based on deliberation and experience,
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is a streak of cruelty and a the willingness to act immorally necessary for statecraft,
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as Machiavelli infamously argued.
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Must the statesman be capable of literally transforming human nature,
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as Rousseau maintains, or is the sovereign a more or less faceless bureaucrat in the manner of a modern,
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modern, say, a modern CEO as, for example, someone like Hobbes seems to have believed.
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All of our texts that we will read, the republic, the politics, the prince, the social contract, have different views on the qualities of statecraft
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and what those qualities necessary to found and maintain states that we will be considering.
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All of this in a way is another way of saying, or at least implying, okay,
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that political philosophy is an eminently practical discipline, a practical field.
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Its purpose is not simply contemplation.
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Its purpose is not reflection alone.
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It is advice giving.
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None of the people we will study this semester were cloistered scholars detached from the world,
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although this is a very common prejudice against political philosophy,
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that it is somehow uniquely sort of pie in the sky and detached from the world.
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But the great thinkers were very far from being just, so to speak, Catholic, detached intellectuals.
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Plato undertook three long and dangerous voyages to Sicily in order to advise the king Dionysius.
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Aristotle famously was a tutor of Alexander the Great.
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Machiavelli spent a large part of his career in the foreign service of his native Florence
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and wrote as an advisor to the of the Medici.
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Hobbes was the tutor to a royal household who followed the king into exile during the English Civil War.
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And Locke was associated with the Shaftesbury Circle,
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who also was forced into exile after being accused of plotting against the English king.
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Rousseau had no official political connections, but he signed his name always, Jean -Jacques Rousseau, citizen of Geneva,
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and was approached to write constitutions for Poland and for the island of Corsica.
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And Tocqueville was a member of the French National Assembly
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whose experience of American democracy deeply affected the way he saw the future of Europe.
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So the great political thinkers were typically engaged in the politics of their times, and help in that way to provide us,
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okay, with models for how we might think about ours.
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Take a little break for refreshment.
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But this goes in a slightly different direction as well.
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Not only is this study of the regime as we've seen, as I've just tried to indicate, rooted in, in many ways,
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the practical experience of the thinkers we'll be looking at,
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but the study of regime politics either implicitly or explicitly raises a question that goes beyond the boundary of any given society.
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A regime, as I've said, constitutes a people's way of life, what they believe makes their life worth living, or to put it, again,
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slightly different, what a people stand for.
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Although we are most familiar with the character of a modern democratic regime, such as ours,
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The study of political philosophy is in many ways a kind of immersion into what we might call today comparative politics,
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that is to say it opens up to us the variety of regimes, each with its own distinctive set of claims or principles,
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each vying and potentially in conflict with all the others, okay?
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Underlying this cacophony of regimes is the question always, which of these regimes is best?
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What has or ought to have a claim on our loyalty and rational consent?
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Political philosophy is always guided by the question of the best regime.
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But what is the best regime?
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Even to raise such a question seems to pose insuperable obstacles?
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Isn't that a completely subjective judgment, what one thinks is the best regime?
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How could one begin such a study?
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Is the best regime as the ancients tended to believe,
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Plato, Aristotle and others, is it an aristocratic republic in which only the few best habitually rule?
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Or is the best regime, as the moderns believe,
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a democratic republic where in principle political office is open to all by virtue of their membership in society alone?
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Will the best regime be a small closed society that through generations has made a supreme sacrifice towards self -perfection?
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Think of that.
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Or will the best regime be a large cosmopolitan order embracing all human beings,
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perhaps even a kind of universal league of nations consisting of all free and equal men and women.
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Whatever form the best regime takes, however, it will always favor a certain kind of human being with a certain set of character traits.
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Is that type the common man as found in democracies?
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Those of acquired taste and money as in aristocracies?
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The warrior or even the priest as in theocracies?
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No question that I can think of can be more fundamental.
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And this finally raises the question of the relation between the best regime
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or the good regime and what we could say are actually existing regimes, regimes that we are all familiar with.
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What function does the best regime play in political science?
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How does it guide our actions here and now?
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This issue received a kind of classic formulation in Aristotle's distinction of what he called the good human being
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and the good citizen.
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For the good citizen, we'll read this chapter later on in the politics, for the good citizen, you could say,
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patriotism is enough to uphold and defend the laws of your own country simply
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because they are your own is both necessary and sufficient.
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Such a view of citizen virtue runs into the obvious objection
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that the good citizen of one regime will be at odds with the a good citizen of another,
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a good citizen of contemporary Iran will not be the same as the good citizen of contemporary America.
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But the good citizen, Aristotle goes on to say, is not the same as the good human being, right?
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Well, the good citizen is relative to the regime.
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You might say regime specific.
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The good human being, so he believes, is good everywhere.
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The good human being loves what is good simply, not because it is his own, but because it is good.
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Some sense of this was demonstrated in Abraham Lincoln's judgment about Henry Clay,
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an early idol of Lincoln's.
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Lincoln wrote of Clay, he loved his country, he said, partly because it was his own country, partly because it was his own country,
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but mainly because it was a free country.
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His point, I think, is that Clay exhibited, at least on Lincoln's telling, something of the philosopher.
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What he loved was an idea, the idea of freedom.
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That idea was not the property of one particular country, but it was constitutive of any good society.
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The good human being, it would seem,
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would be a philosopher, or at least would have something philosophical about him or her,
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and who may only be fully at home in the best regime.
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But, of course, the best regime lacks actuality.
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We all know that.
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It has never existed.
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The best regime embodies a supreme paradox, it would seem.
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It is superior in some ways to all actual regimes, but it has no concrete existence anywhere.
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This makes it difficult, you could say, and this is Aristotle's point, I think.
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This makes it difficult for the philosopher to be a good
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citizen of any actual regime philosophy will never feel fully or truly at home in any particular society.
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The philosopher can never be truly loyal to anyone or anything but what is best.
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Think of that, raises a question about issues of love, loyalty, and friendship.
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This tension, of course, between the best regime and any actual regime is the space that makes political philosophy possible.
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In the best regime, if we were to inhabit such, political philosophy would be unnecessary or redundant.
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It would wither away.
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Political philosophy exists and only exists in that call it zone of indeterminacy between the is and the ought,
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between the actual and the ideal.
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This is why political philosophy is always and necessarily a potentially disturbing undertaking.
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those who embark on the quest for knowledge of the best regime may not return the same people that they were before.
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You may return with very different loyalties and allegiances than you had in the beginning,
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but there is some compensation for this, I think.
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The ancients had a beautiful word, or at least the Greeks had a beautiful word for this quest, for this desire for knowledge of the best regime.
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They called it eros, or love, right?
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The quest for knowledge of the best regime must necessarily be accompanied,
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sustained, trained and elevated by eros.
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You may not have realized it when you walked into this class today,
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but the study of political philosophy may be the highest tribute we pay to love.
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Think of that.
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And while you're thinking about it, you can start reading Plato's Apology for Socrates, which we'll discuss for class on Wednesday.
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Okay?
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It's nice to see you back and have a very good but thoughtful September 11th.
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ทำไมต้องฝึกพูดจากวิดีโอนี้?
การฝึกพูดจากวิดีโอเป็นวิธีที่มีประสิทธิภาพในการพัฒนาทักษะการสื่อสารภาษาอังกฤษ เนื่องจากคุณสามารถเรียนรู้จากการสนทนาจริงและนำประโยคที่ใช้บ่อยในชีวิตประจำวันมาใช้ โดยเฉพาะในกรณีที่วิดีโอนี้พูดถึงปรัชญาการเมือง ซึ่งเป็นหัวข้อที่เต็มไปด้วยคำถามที่สำคัญเกี่ยวกับการปกครองและความยุติธรรม การทำความเข้าใจเนื้อหาจะช่วยให้คุณสามารถแสดงความคิดเห็นและสร้างการสนทนาอย่างมีประสิทธิภาพได้
ไวยากรณ์และสำนวนในบริบท
- คำถามที่เปิดกว้าง: ในการสนทนา ผู้พูดมักใช้คำถามที่ไม่ใช่แค่คำถามปิด เช่น "What is justice?" ที่เปิดโอกาสให้เกิดการคิดและพูดต่อยอด
- การใช้คำเชื่อม: ตัวอย่างเช่น "However," และ "Furthermore," ซึ่งช่วยเชื่อมโยงความคิดและทำให้การพูดราบรื่น
- การใช้คำยกตัวอย่าง: เช่น "For example," เพื่ออธิบายแนวคิดที่ซับซ้อนให้เข้าใจง่ายขึ้น
การทำความเข้าใจในโครงสร้างเหล่านี้จะช่วยให้คุณสามารถปรับปรุงการออกเสียงภาษาอังกฤษ และทำให้การสนทนาของคุณมีความน่าสนใจมากขึ้น
กับดักการออกเสียงทั่วไป
ในวิดีโอนี้มีคำบางคำที่อาจทำให้คุณสับสนในการออกเสียง เช่น "philosophy," "politics," และ "justice" คำเหล่านี้มีเสียงที่ไม่ตรงตามที่เห็นในตัวอักษร การฝึกฟังและพูดตามวิดีโอจะช่วยให้คุณปรับปรุงการออกเสียงและเพิ่มความมั่นใจในการใช้ภาษาอังกฤษในชีวิตประจำวัน
นอกจากนี้ การฝึกใช้เทคนิค shadow speech จะช่วยให้คุณสามารถจับน้ำเสียงและจังหวะการพูดของผู้พูดในวิดีโอได้ดียิ่งขึ้น ไม่ว่าจะเป็นการนำเสนอความคิดที่ซับซ้อนหรือการใช้สำนวนเฉพาะที่พบในบริบทการเมือง
ด้วยวิธีการเรียนรู้ผ่าน วิดีโอ ทำให้คุณสามารถสร้างความเข้าใจที่ลึกซึ้งยิ่งขึ้นและพัฒนาทักษะการพูดได้อย่างมีประสิทธิภาพในฐานะที่คุณเป็นผู้เรียนภาษาอังกฤษ
ไวยากรณ์ในวิดีโอนี้
โครงสร้างที่ผู้พูดใช้บ่อยที่สุด พร้อมคำพูดจริงจากวิดีโอ:
| โครงสร้าง | ในวิดีโอ |
|---|---|
| Present perfect have/has + กริยาช่อง 3 — เหตุการณ์ในอดีตที่ยังเกี่ยวข้องกับปัจจุบัน | have shaped · have not simply been refuted · have written |
| Passive voice be + กริยาช่อง 3 — เน้นสิ่งที่เกิดขึ้น ไม่ใช่ผู้กระทำ | were asked · are often put · be found |
| Relative clauses who / which + อนุประโยค — ข้อมูลเพิ่มเติมเกี่ยวกับคนหรือสิ่งของ | those who have · people who regard · men who believe |
เทคนิค Shadowing คืออะไร?
Shadowing เป็นเทคนิคการเรียนรู้ภาษาที่ได้รับการรับรองทางวิทยาศาสตร์ พัฒนาขึ้นสำหรับการฝึกนักแปลมืออาชีพ วิธีการนี้เรียบง่ายแต่ทรงพลัง: คุณฟังเสียงภาษาอังกฤษจากเจ้าของภาษาและพูดตามทันที — เหมือนเงาที่ตามผู้พูดด้วยช่วงเวลาห่าง 1-2 วินาที การวิจัยแสดงว่าเทคนิคนี้ปรับปรุงความแม่นยำในการออกเสียง ทำนองเสียง จังหวะ การเชื่อมเสียง การฟังเข้าใจ และความคล่องแคล่วในการพูดได้อย่างมีนัยสำคัญ