ฝึกพูดภาษาอังกฤษด้วยเทคนิค Shadowing จากวิดีโอ: "A Time for Choosing" by Ronald Reagan
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The following pre -recorded political program is sponsored by TV for Goldwater Miller on behalf of Barry Goldwater, Republican candidate for President of the United States.
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Ladies and gentlemen, we take pride in presenting a thoughtful address by Ronald Reagan, Mr. Reagan.
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Thank you.
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Thank you very much.
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Thank you and good evening.
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The sponsor has been identified, but unlike most television programs, the performer hasn't been provided with a script.
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As a matter of fact, I have been permitted to choose my own words
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and discuss my own ideas regarding the choice that we face in the next few weeks.
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I have spent most of my life as a Democrat.
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I recently have seen fit to follow another course.
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I believe that the issues confronting us crossed party lines.
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Now one side in this campaign has been telling us
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that the issues of this election are the maintenance of peace and prosperity.
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The line has been used, we've never had it so good.
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But I have an uncomfortable feeling that this prosperity isn't something on which we can base our hopes for the future.
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No nation in history has ever survived a tax burden that reached a third of its national income.
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Today, 37 cents out of every dollar earned in this country is the tax collector's share.
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And yet our government continues to spend 17 million dollars a day more than the government takes in.
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We haven't balanced our budget 28 out of the last 34 years.
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We've raised our debt limit three times in the last 12 months.
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And now our national debt is one
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and a half times bigger than all the combined debts of all the nations of the world.
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We have 15 billion dollars in gold in our treasury.
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We don't own an ounce.
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Foreign dollar claims are 27 .3 billion dollars.
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And we've just had an ounce that the dollar of 1939 will now purchase 45 cents in its total value.
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As for the peace that we would preserve, I wonder who among us would like to approach the wife
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or mother whose husband or son has died in South Vietnam
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and ask them if they think this is a peace that should be maintained indefinitely.
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Do they mean peace, or do they mean we just want to be left in peace?
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There can be no real peace while one American is dying someplace in the world for the rest of us.
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We're at war with the most dangerous enemy
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that has ever faced mankind in his long climb from the swamp to the stars.
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And it's been said if we lose that war and in so doing lose this way of freedom of ours,
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history will record with the greatest astonishment that those who had the most to lose did the least to prevent its happening.
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Well, I think it's time we ask ourselves
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if we still know the freedoms that were intended for us by the founding fathers.
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Not too long ago, two friends of mine were talking to a Cuban refugee, a businessman who had escaped from Castro.
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And in the midst of his story, one of my friends turned to the other and said, we don't know how lucky we are.
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And the Cubans stopped and said, how lucky you are.
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I had some place to escape to.
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And in that sentence, he told us the entire story.
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If we lose freedom here, there's no place to escape to.
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This is the last stand on earth.
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And this idea that government is beholden to the people, that it has no other source of power except the sovereign people,
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is still the newest and the most unique idea in all the long history of man's relation to man.
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This is the issue of this election.
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Whether we believe in our capacity for self -government
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or whether we abandon the American Revolution and confess
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that a little intellectual elite in a far distant capital can
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plan our lives for us better than we can plan them ourselves.
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You and I are told increasingly we have to choose between a left or right.
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Well, I'd like to suggest there is no such thing as a left or right there's only an up or down
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man's old age dream the ultimate in individual freedom consistent with law
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and order or down to the ant heap of totalitarianism
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and regardless of their sincerity their humanitarian motives those who would
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trade our freedom for security have embarked on this downward course in this vote harvesting time
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they use terms like the great society
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or as we were told a few days ago by the president
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we must accept a greater government activity in the affairs of the people.
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But they've been a little more explicit in the past.
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And among themselves, and all of the things I now will quote have appeared in print, these are not Republican accusations.
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For example, they have voices that say, the Cold War will end through our acceptance of a not undemocratic socialism.
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Another voice says the profit motive has become outmoded.
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It must be replaced by the incentives of the welfare state.
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Or our traditional system of individual freedom is incapable of solving the complex problems of the 20th century.
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Senator Fulbright has said at Stanford University that the Constitution is outmoded.
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He referred to the president as our moral teacher and our leader,
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and he says he is hobbled in his task by the restrictions of power imposed on him by this antiquated document.
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He must be freed so that he can do for us what he knows is best.
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And Senator Clark of Pennsylvania,
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another articulate spokesman, defines liberalism as meeting the material needs of the masses through the full power of centralized government.
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Well, I for one resented when a representative of the people refers to you and me,
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the free men and women of this country, as the masses.
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This is a term we haven't applied to ourselves in America.
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But beyond that, the full power of centralized government, this was the very thing the Founding Fathers sought to minimize.
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They knew that governments don't control things a government can't control the economy without controlling people.
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And they know when a government sets out to do that, it must use force and coercion to achieve its purpose.
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They also knew those founding fathers that outside of its legitimate functions,
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government does nothing as well or as economically as the private sector of the economy.
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Now, we have no better example of this than government's involvement in the farm economy over the last 30 years.
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Since 1955, the cost of this program has nearly doubled.
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One -fourth of farming in America is responsible for 85 % of the farm surplus.
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Three -fourths of farming is out on the free market
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and has known a 21 % increase in the per capita consumption of all its produce.
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You see, that one -fourth of farming, that's regulated and controlled by the federal government.
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In the last three years, we've spent $43 in the feed grain program for every dollar bushel of corn we don't grow.
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Senator Humphrey last week charged that
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Barry Goldwater as president would seek to eliminate farmers.
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He should do his homework a little better because he'll find out
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that we've had a decline of five million in the farm population under these government programs.
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He'll also find
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that the Democratic administration has sought to get from Congress extension of the farm program to include
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that three -fourths that is now free.
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He'll find that they've also asked for the right to imprison farmers who wouldn't keep books as prescribed by the federal government.
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The Secretary of Agriculture asked for the right to seize farms through condemnation and resell them to other individuals.
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And contained in that same program was a provision
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that would have allowed the federal government to remove two million farmers from the soil.
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At the same time, there's been an increase in the Department of Agriculture employees.
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There's now one for every 30 farms in the United States.
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And still they can't tell us how 66 six shiploads of grain headed for Austria disappeared without a trace, and Billy Solestus never left shore.
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Every responsible farmer and farm organization has repeatedly asked the government to free the farm economy.
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But who are farmers to know what's best for them?
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The wheat farmers voted against a wheat program.
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The government passed it anyway.
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Now the price of bread goes up, the price of wheat to the farmer goes down.
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Meanwhile, back in the city, under urban renewal, the assault on freedom carries on.
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Private property rights so diluted that public interest is almost anything a few government planners decide it should be.
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In a program that takes from the needy and gives to the greedy, we see such spectacles as in Cleveland, Ohio.
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A million
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and a half dollar building completed only three years ago must
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be destroyed to make way for what government officials call a more compatible use of the land.
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The president tells us he's now going to start building public housing units in the thousands, where heretofore we've only built them in the hundreds.
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But FHA and the Veterans Administration tell us they have 120 ,000 housing units they've taken back through mortgage foreclosure.
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For three decades, we've sought to solve the problems of unemployment through government planning, and the more the plans fail, the more the planners plan.
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The latest is the Area Redevelopment Agency.
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They've just declared
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Rice County, Kansas a depressed area.
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Rice County, Kansas has 200 oil wells, and the 14 ,000 people there have over $30 million on deposit in personal savings in their banks.
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When the government tells you you're depressed, lie down and be depressed.
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We have
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so many people who can't see a fat man standing beside
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a thin one without coming to the conclusion the fat man got that way by taking advantage of the thin one.
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So they're going to solve all the problems of human misery through government and government planning.
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Well, now, if government planning and welfare had the answer, and they've had almost 30 years of it,
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shouldn't we expect government to read the score to us once in a while?
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Shouldn't they be telling us about the decline each year in the number of people needing help, the reduction in the need for public housing?
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But the reverse is true.
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Each year the need grows greater, the program grows greater.
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We were told four years ago that 17 million people went to bed hungry each night.
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Well, that was probably true.
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They were all on a diet. But now we're told
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that 9 .3 million families in this country are poverty -stricken on the basis of earning less than $3 ,000 a year.
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Welfare spending 10 times greater than it was in the dark depths of the Depression.
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We're spending $45 billion on welfare.
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Now, do a little arithmetic and you'll find that
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if we divided the $45 billion up equally among those 9 million poor families, we'd be able to give each family $4 ,600 a year.
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And this added to their present income should eliminate poverty.
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Direct aid to the poor, however, is only running about $600 per family.
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It would seem that someplace there must be some overhead.
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So now we declare war on poverty, or you too can be a Bobby Baker.
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Now do they honestly expect us to believe that if we add $1 billion to the $45 billion we're spending,
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one more program to the 30 -odd we have, and remember this new program doesn't replace any,
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it just duplicates existing programs do they believe that poverty is suddenly going to disappear by magic?
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Well, in all fairness, I should explain there is one part of the new program that isn't duplicated.
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This is the youth feature.
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We're now going to solve the dropout problem, juvenile delinquency, by reinstituting something like the old CCC camps.
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And we're going to put our young people in these camps.
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But again, we do some arithmetic and we find
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that we're going to spend each year just on room and board for each young person we help, $4 ,700 a year.
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We can send them to Harvard for $2 ,700.
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Of course, don't get me wrong.
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I'm not suggesting
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Harvard is the answer to juvenile delinquency.
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But seriously, what are we doing to those we seek to help?
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Not too long ago, a judge called me here in Los Angeles He told me of a young woman who'd come before him for a divorce
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She had six children, was pregnant with her seventh
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Under his questioning, she revealed her husband was a laborer
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Earning $250 a month
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She wanted the divorce to get an $80 raise
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She's eligible for $330 a month in the Aid to Defend the Children program.
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She got the idea from two women in her neighborhood who'd already done that very thing.
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Yet any time you and I question the schemes of the do -gooders, we're denounced as being against their humanitarian goals.
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They say we're always against things, we're never for anything.
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Well, the trouble with our liberal friends is not that they're ignorant.
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It's just that they know so much that isn't so.
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Now...
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We're for a provision that destitution should not follow unemployment by reason of old age.
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And to that end, we've accepted
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Social Security as a step toward meeting the problem.
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But we're against those entrusted with this program when they practice deception regarding its fiscal shortcomings.
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When they charge that any criticism of the program means
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that we want to end payments to those people who depend on them for a livelihood.
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They've called it insurance to us in a hundred million pieces of literature.
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But then they appeared before the Supreme Court, and they testified it was a welfare program.
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They only used the term insurance to sell it to the people.
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And they said
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Social Security dues are a tax for the general use of the government.
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And the government has used that tax.
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There is no fund.
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Because Robert Byers, the actuarial head, appeared before a congressional committee and admitted that
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Social Security as of this moment is $298 billion in the hole.
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But he said there should be no cause for worry, because as long as they had the power to tax,
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they could always take away from the people whatever they needed to bail them out of trouble.
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And they're doing just that.
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A young man, 21 years of age, working at an average salary, his Social Security contribution would,
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in the open market, buy him an insurance policy that would guarantee $220 a month at age 65.
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The government promises 127.
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He could live it up until he's 31 and then take out a policy that would pay more than Social Security.
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Now are we so lacking in business sense that we can't put this program on a sound basis
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so that people who do require those payments will find they can get them when they're due, that the cupboard isn't bare?
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Barry Goldwater thinks we can.
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At the same time, can't we introduce voluntary features
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that would permit a citizen who can do better on his own to be excused upon presentation of evidence
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that he had made provision for the non -earning years?
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Should we not allow a widow with children to work and not lose the benefits supposedly paid for by her deceased husband?
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Shouldn't you and I be allowed to declare who our beneficiaries will be under this program, which we cannot do?
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I think we're foretelling our senior citizens
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that no one in this country should be denied medical care because of a lack of funds.
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But I think we're against forcing all citizens, regardless of need, into a compulsory government program,
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especially when we have such examples as was announced last week when France admitted that their Medicare program is now bankrupt.
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They've come to the end of the road. In addition, was Barry Goldwater so irresponsible when he suggested
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that our government give up its program of deliberate planned inflation so that when you do get your Social Security pension,
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a dollar will buy a dollar's worth and not 45 cents worth?
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I think we're for an international organization where the nations of the world can seek peace.
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But I think we're against subordinating American interests to an organization
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that has become so structurally unsound
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that today you can muster a two -thirds vote on the floor of the General Assembly among nations
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that represent less than 10 % of the world's population.
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I think we're against the hypocrisy of assailing our allies
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because here and there they cling to a colony
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while we engage in a conspiracy of silence
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and never open our mouths about the millions of people enslaved in the Soviet colonies in the satellite nations.
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I think we're forading our allies by sharing of our material blessings with those nations which share in our fundamental beliefs.
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But we're against doling out money government to government, creating bureaucracy, if not socialism, all over the world.
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We set out to help 19 countries.
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We're helping 107.
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We've spent $146 billion.
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With that money, we bought a $2 million yacht for Haile Selassie.
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We bought dress suits for Greek undertakers, extra wives for Kenya government officials.
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We bought a thousand TV sets for a place where they have no electricity.
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In the last six years, 52 nations have bought $7 billion worth of our gold and all 52 are receiving foreign aid from this country.
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No government ever voluntarily reduces itself in size, so government programs once launched never disappear.
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Actually, a government bureau is the nearest thing to eternal life we'll ever see on this earth.
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Federal employees, federal employees number two and a half million, and federal, state and local, one out of six of the nation's workforce employed by government.
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These proliferating bureaus with their thousands of regulations have cost us many of our constitutional safeguards.
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How many of us realize that today federal agents can invade a man's property without a warrant, they can impose a fine without a formal hearing,
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let alone a trial by jury, and they can seize and sell his property at auction to enforce the payment of that fine.
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In Chico County, Arkansas, saw James Weir overplanted his rice allotment.
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The government obtained a $17 ,000 judgment, and a U .S marshal sold his 960 -acre farm at auction.
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The government said it was necessary as a warning to others to make the system work.
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Last February 19th at the University of Minnesota, Norman Thomas, six -times candidate for president on the Socialist Party ticket said if Barry Goldwater became president,
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he would stop the advance of socialism in the United States.
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I think that's exactly what he will do. But as a former
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Democrat, I can tell you Norman Thomas isn't the only man who has drawn this parallel to socialism with the present administration?
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Because back in 1936, Mr. Democrat himself, Al Smith, a great American,
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came before the American people and charged that the leadership of his party was taking the party of Jefferson, Jackson, and Cleveland down the road.
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under the banners of Marx, Lenin, and Stalin.
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And he walked away from his party, and he never returned till the day he died.
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Because to this day, the leadership of that party has been taking that party, that honorable party, down the road,
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in the image of the Labour Socialist Party of England.
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Now, it doesn't require expropriation or confiscation of private property or business to impose socialism on a people.
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What does it mean whether you hold the deed
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or the title to your business or property
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if the government holds the power of life and death over that business or property, and such machinery already exists,
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the government can find some charge to bring against any concern it chooses to prosecute.
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Every businessman has his own tale of harassment.
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Somewhere a perversion has taken place.
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Our natural, unalienable rights are now considered to be a dispensation of government, and freedom has never been so fragile,
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so close to slipping from our grasp as it is at this moment.
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our democratic opponents seem unwilling to debate these issues they want to make you
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and I believe that this is a contest between two men
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that we're to choose just between two personalities well what of this man
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that they would destroy and in destroying they would destroy that
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which he represents the ideas that you
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and I hold dear is he the brash and shallow
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and trigger happy man they say he is well I've been privileged to know him when
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I knew him long before he ever dreamed of trying for high office
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And I can tell you personally I've never known a man in my life I believed
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so incapable of doing a dishonest or dishonorable thing
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This is a man who in his own business
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Before he entered politics Instituted a profit -sharing plan before unions had ever thought of it.
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He put in health and medical insurance for all his employees.
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He took 50 % of the profits before taxes and set up a retirement program, a pension plan for all his employees.
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He sent monthly checks for life to an employee who was ill and couldn't work.
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He provides nursing care for the children of mothers who work in the stores.
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When Mexico was ravaged by the floods in the Rio Grande, he climbed in his airplane and flew medicine and supplies down there.
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An ex -GI told me how he met him.
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It was the week before Christmas during the Korean War,
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and he was at the Los Angeles airport trying to get a ride home to Arizona for Christmas.
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And he said that a lot of service men there and no seats available on the planes.
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And then a voice came over the loudspeaker and said, any men in uniform wanting a ride to Arizona, go to runway such and such.
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And they went down there.
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There was a fellow named Barry Goldwater sitting in his plane.
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Every day in those weeks before Christmas, all day long.
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He'd load up the plane, fly it to Arizona, fly them to their homes, fly back over to get another load.
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During the hectic split -second timing of a campaign,
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this is a man who took time out to sit beside an old friend who was dying of cancer.
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His campaign managers were understandably impatient, but he said there aren't many left to care what happens to her.
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I'd like her to know I care.
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This is a man who said to his 19 -year -old son, there is no foundation like the rock of honesty and fairness.
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And when you begin to build your life on that rock, with the cement of the faith in God that you have,
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then you have a real start.
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This is not a man who could carelessly send other people's sons to war.
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And that is the issue of this campaign that makes all the other problems I've discussed academic,
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unless we realize we're in a war that must be won.
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Those who would trade our freedom for the soup kitchen of the welfare state have told us
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they have a utopian solution of peace without victory.
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They call their policy accommodation.
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And they say if we'll only avoid any direct confrontation with the enemy, he'll forget his evil ways and learn to love us.
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All who oppose them are indicted as warmongers.
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They say we offer simple answers to complex problems.
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Well, perhaps there is a simple answer.
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Not an easy answer, but simple.
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If you and I have the courage to tell our elected officials
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that we want our national policy based on what we know in our hearts is morally right, We cannot buy our security,
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our freedom from the threat of the bomb.
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By committing an immorality so great as saying to a billion human beings now enslaved behind the Iron Curtain, give up your dreams of freedom,
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because to save our own skins we're willing to make a deal with your slave masters.
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Alexander Hamilton said a nation which can prefer disgrace to danger is prepared for a master
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and deserves one now let's set the record straight there's no argument over the choice between peace
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and war but there's only one guaranteed way you can have peace and you can have it in the next second
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surrender admittedly there's a risk in any course we follow other than this
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but every lesson of history tells us that the greater risk lies in appeasement
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and this is the specter our well -meaning liberal friends refuse to face Yes.
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that their policy of accommodation is appeasement.
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And it gives no choice between peace and war, only between fight or surrender.
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If we continue to accommodate, continue to back and retreat, eventually we have to face the final demand, the ultimatum.
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And what then?
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When Nikita Khrushchev has told his people, he knows what our answer will be.
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He has told them that we're retreating under the pressure of the Cold War, and someday, when the time comes to deliver the final ultimatum,
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our surrender will be voluntary because by that time, we will have been weakened from within spiritually, morally, and economically.
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He believes this because from our side he's heard voices pleading for peace at any price, or better read than dead,
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or as one commentator put it, he'd rather live on his knees than die on his feet.
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And therein lies the road to war, because those voices don't speak for the rest of us.
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You and I know and do not believe that life is
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so dear and peace so sweet as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery.
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If nothing in life is worth dying for, when did this begin?
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Just in the face of this enemy?
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Or should Moses have told the children of Israel to live in slavery under the pharaohs?
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Should Christ have refused the cross?
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Should the patriots at Concord Bridge have thrown down their guns and refused to fire the shot heard round the world?
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The martyrs of history were not fools.
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And our honored dead, who gave their lives to stop the advance of the Nazis, didn't die in vain.
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Where then is the road to peace?
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Well, it's a simple answer after all.
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You and I have the courage to say to our enemies, there is a price we will not pay,
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there is a point beyond which they must not advance.
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And this, this is the meaning in the phrase of Barry Goldwater, peace through strength.
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Winston Churchill said the destiny of man is not measured by material computations.
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When great forces are on the move in the world, we learn we're spirits, not animals.
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And he said there's something going on in time and space and beyond time and space, which, whether we like it or not, spells duty.
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You and I have a rendezvous with destiny.
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We'll preserve for our children this, the last best hope of man on earth,
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or we'll sentence them to take the last step into a thousand years of darkness.
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We will keep in mind and remember that
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Barry Goldwater has faith in us.
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He has faith that you and I have the ability
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and the dignity and the right to make our own decisions and determine our own destiny.
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Thank you very much.
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Thank you, Ronnie, for this very stirring speech.
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I am John Kilroy, National Chairman, TV for Goldwater Miller.
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I want to ask each of you to take part
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in this important presidential campaign by contributing what you can to keep the Goldwater Crusade on the air.
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Send one, ten, fifty dollars, or any amount to TV for Goldwater Miller,
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Box 80, Los Angeles 51.
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I repeat, TV, Goldwater Miller, Box 80, Los Angeles 51.
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The preceding pre -recorded political program was paid for by TV for Goldwater Miller on behalf of Barry Goldwater,
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Republican candidate for President of the United States.
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1984 Presidential Debate: Reagan v. Mondale
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คำศัพท์และข้อสังเกตด้านการพูดสำหรับบทเรียนนี้
บทเรียนฝึกพูดนี้ใช้วิดีโอ “"A Time for Choosing" by Ronald Reagan” เป็นสื่อ วิดีโอนี้มี 349 ประโยค และ 4674 คำ สำหรับฝึกพูดตาม ช่วงที่มีเสียงพูดยาว 28:59 ผู้พูดพูดด้วยความเร็วเป็นธรรมชาติ ประมาณ 161 คำต่อนาที ใกล้เคียงกับบทสนทนาในชีวิตประจำวัน 84% ของคำอยู่ใน 3,000 คำที่ใช้บ่อยที่สุดในภาษาอังกฤษ ส่วนที่เหลือควรดูไว้ก่อนเริ่มฝึก
คำศัพท์สำคัญในวิดีโอนี้
คำที่ควรเรียนรู้ 15 คำจากวิดีโอ พร้อมคำอ่านและความหมาย:
| คำศัพท์ | คำอ่าน | ความหมาย |
|---|---|---|
| farmer คำนาม | /ˈfɑɹ.mɚ/ | กสิกร, เกษตรกร |
| welfare คำนาม | /ˈwɛlˌfɛɚ/ | สวัสดิภาพ |
| socialism คำนาม | /ˈsoʊʃəlɪzəm/ | สังคมนิยม |
| poverty คำนาม | /ˈpɑːvɚti/ | ความจน, ความยากจน |
| earn คำกริยา | /ɝn/ | หาเงิน |
| solve คำกริยา | /sɒlv/ | แก้, แก้ไข |
| disappear คำกริยา | /dɪsəˈpɪɹ/ | หาย, สูญ |
| surrender คำกริยา | /səˈɹɛndə(ɹ)/ | ยอมแพ้, ทู้ |
| wheat คำนาม | /ˈwiːt/ | ข้าวสาลี |
| thin คำคุณศัพท์ | /ˈθɪn/ | บาง |
| guarantee คำนาม | /ˌɡæɹ.ənˈtiː/ | การรับประกัน |
| divorce คำนาม | /dɪˈvɔːs/ | การหย่าร้าง, การหย่า |
| courage คำนาม | /ˈkʌ.ɹɪd͡ʒ/ | ความกล้า, ความกล้าหาญ |
| auction คำนาม | /ˈɔkʃən/ | ขายทอดตลาด, การประมูล |
| pension คำนาม | /ˈpɛnʃən/ | บำนาญ |
กริยาวลีที่คุณจะได้ยิน
| คำศัพท์ | ความหมาย |
|---|---|
| give up คำกริยา | ยอมแพ้ |
| lie down คำกริยา | นอน |
ประโยคที่ควรฝึกพูดซ้ำ
ประโยคสั้น ๆ ที่สมบูรณ์จากวิดีโอ ซึ่งนำไปใช้ในบทสนทนาประจำวันได้:
- We don't own an ounce.
- Of course, don't get me wrong.
- I think that's exactly what he will do.
- I'd like her to know I care.
ไวยากรณ์ในวิดีโอนี้
โครงสร้างที่ผู้พูดใช้บ่อยที่สุด พร้อมคำพูดจริงจากวิดีโอ:
| โครงสร้าง | ในวิดีโอ |
|---|---|
| Present perfect continuous have/has been + -ing — การกระทำที่เริ่มก่อนหน้านี้และยังดำเนินอยู่ | has been telling · has been taking |
| Present perfect have/has + กริยาช่อง 3 — เหตุการณ์ในอดีตที่ยังเกี่ยวข้องกับปัจจุบัน | has been identified · have been permitted · have spent |
| Passive voice be + กริยาช่อง 3 — เน้นสิ่งที่เกิดขึ้น ไม่ใช่ผู้กระทำ | is sponsored · has been identified · have been permitted |
| Relative clauses who / which + อนุประโยค — ข้อมูลเพิ่มเติมเกี่ยวกับคนหรือสิ่งของ | those who had · those who would · people who can |
การออกเสียงที่ควรระวัง
ผู้พูดใช้รูปย่อและรูปลดเสียง 94 ครั้ง เช่น we're, we've, they've ให้พูดแบบสั้นตามที่ได้ยิน
- เสียง “th”: thin /ˈθɪn/, seventh /ˈsɛvənθ/, arithmetic /æɹɪθˈmɛtɪk/
- เสียง “sh” และ “zh”: socialism /ˈsoʊʃəlɪzəm/, provision /pɹəˈvɪʒ.ən/, auction /ˈɔkʃən/, pension /ˈpɛnʃən/, accommodation /əˌkɒm.əˈdeɪ.ʃən/
- คำยาว — ลงเสียงหนักให้ถูกพยางค์: socialism /ˈsoʊʃəlɪzəm/, unemployment /ʌn.ɪmˈplɔɪ.mənt/, eliminate /ɪˈlɪm.ɪ.neɪt/, accommodation /əˌkɒm.əˈdeɪ.ʃən/, voluntary /ˈvɑ.lənˌt(ɛ)ɹi/
เสียงที่คนไทยมักออกเสียงยาก:
- เสียงท้ายคำ — ออกเสียงให้ครบ ไม่เปลี่ยนเป็นตัวสะกดแบบไทย: solve /sɒlv/, regardless /ɹɪˈɡɑɹd.lɪs/, behalf /bɪˈhæf/, divorce /dɪˈvɔːs/, courage /ˈkʌ.ɹɪd͡ʒ/
- /v/ — ไม่ใช่ /w/ ให้ฟันบนแตะริมฝีปากล่าง: poverty /ˈpɑːvɚti/, solve /sɒlv/, provision /pɹəˈvɪʒ.ən/, divorce /dɪˈvɔːs/, slavery /ˈsleɪvəɹi/
- /z/ — เสียงก้อง ไม่ใช่ /s/: socialism /ˈsoʊʃəlɪzəm/, preserve /pɹəˈzɝv/, businessman /ˈbɪznəsmæn/, seize /ˈsiːz/, citizen /ˈsɪtɪzən/
วิธีฝึกกับวิดีโอนี้
- ฟังวิดีโอให้จบหนึ่งรอบโดยยังไม่ต้องพูด แล้วจดคำที่ยังไม่รู้จัก
- เริ่มที่ความเร็ว 0.75× พูดตามทีละประโยค แล้วกลับไปใช้ความเร็วปกติเมื่อเริ่มคล่อง
- อัดเสียงตัวเองแล้วเทียบกับต้นฉบับ โดยสังเกตคำอย่าง farmer, welfare, socialism เป็นพิเศษ
เทคนิค Shadowing คืออะไร?
Shadowing เป็นเทคนิคการเรียนรู้ภาษาที่ได้รับการรับรองทางวิทยาศาสตร์ พัฒนาขึ้นสำหรับการฝึกนักแปลมืออาชีพ วิธีการนี้เรียบง่ายแต่ทรงพลัง: คุณฟังเสียงภาษาอังกฤษจากเจ้าของภาษาและพูดตามทันที — เหมือนเงาที่ตามผู้พูดด้วยช่วงเวลาห่าง 1-2 วินาที การวิจัยแสดงว่าเทคนิคนี้ปรับปรุงความแม่นยำในการออกเสียง ทำนองเสียง จังหวะ การเชื่อมเสียง การฟังเข้าใจ และความคล่องแคล่วในการพูดได้อย่างมีนัยสำคัญ