ฝึกพูดภาษาอังกฤษด้วยเทคนิค Shadowing จากวิดีโอ: Secretary Rubio Delivers Remarks from the Acropolis in Athens
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257 ประโยค
หากประโยคสั้นหรือยาวเกินไป กดที่ Edit เพื่อปรับแก้
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His Excellency the President of the Hellenic Republic,
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Ministers, Excellencies, distinguished guests, the Secretary of State of the United States of America, Marco Rubio.
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There are great ruins all across the world.
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In many cases, they are places where history seems to have exhausted itself,
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remnants of distant cultures that have long passed beyond beyond a living memory.
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But the Acropolis is different.
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For thousands of years, the civilization that built what stands behind me has captivated the imagination of the Western world.
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Generations of our statesmen, artists, and philosophers have looked at to it.
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They've looked to it with wonder and they've looked to it with awe.
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Now time has a tendency to dull the senses.
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Great victories and catastrophic defeats, they seem to shrink to becoming like a footnote in a textbook,
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another fact for our school children to memorize and forget.
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But the Greeks of antiquity, they seem to have an almost mystical hold on our memory.
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They call us back to them again and again.
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480 years before
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Christ, the armies of Xerxes arrived in this city and they put its sanctuaries to the torch.
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Most Athenians had by then evacuated by ship to a nearby island, but there was a handful of them that refused to leave their home.
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So instead they barricaded themselves in the rocky fortress of the Acropolis to fight an extraordinary last stand,
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heaving massive stones down the cliffs onto the Persian invaders and holding the greatest empire of that age at bay for days.
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They were eventually overwhelmed.
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The Persians plundered the temples, they burned the shrines, they raised the Acropolis to the ground.
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But when the Athenians returned, they gathered the broken remains of the old Acropolis and buried them in the hill where it had stood.
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And decades later under Pericles, they raised the Parthenon.
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For 25 centuries since, the Parthenon has stood.
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Empires have risen and fallen beneath its shadow, and the progeny of the men who built it, the sons of Athens and Rome,
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have carried their civilization with them to the ends of the earth.
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Two and a half centuries after the founding of the American Republic, halfway across the world from where I stand now,
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I stand here today as the Secretary of State of that republic,
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and as the great -grandson of settlers who arrived in the New World from Spain,
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I stand here to testify to a debt that no lapse of time, no distance of space, can ever extinguish.
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The history of America, the history of my country, is covered with the fingerprints of antiquity.
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Greece is literally carved into the architecture of our government in the towering columns in the domes
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and the monuments across our capital city.
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The city where our Constitution was born, Philadelphia, is itself a Greek name.
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The men who founded my country were fascinated by the heritage we inherited from yours.
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They were exceptionally well read in history.
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They are vividly aware of their unique place in it.
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But no other age of the past held their attention or their imagination quite like that of antiquity.
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Many, many people are surprised to learn
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that the most commonly cited author in the Federalist papers was not an Enlightenment philosopher or political theorist.
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The most commonly cited author in the Federalist papers was Plutarch, the Greek biographer of Greece and Rome's great men.
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Now much has been written
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and said about the influence of ancient Greece on the ideas of the American founders
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and for that matter on all of the Western philosophers and statesmen that preceded them.
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Most of us are familiar with the basic history.
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Athens gave us democracy.
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Plato and Aristotle gave us Western philosophy.
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Our ideas of law, of virtue, of citizenship, and Republican government were shaped in the Greek city -states.
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Even much of our political vocabulary, words like democracy, tyranny, the word politics itself found its origins here.
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Now all of that is true,
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but the things we owe to this place as Americans and as Westerners are actually far, far deeper.
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These institutions and ideas, these institutions and ideas were the outward expression of a more fundamental qualities we see in the ancient
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Greeks, qualities that can't be reduced to any particular political system or theory.
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Here in Athens, we found the first full realization of all the essential traits that would come to define the West.
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Fierce individuality and relentless ambition, daring exploration and invention, a yearning for discovery, for adventure, risk and glory,
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an insatiable curiosity about the world and the principles by which it operates,
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a hunger to know the mysteries of nature and grasp the secrets of the cosmos,
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an impatience with the notion of impossibility chafing at all boundaries at all limits straining to peer
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into the depths of the unknown these were not just the formulas
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or precepts of a particular school of philosophy
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they were the characteristic of a people expressed in their tradition their stories their imagination
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and the qualities that they demanded of their citizens and the things they lived and fought and died for.
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To know them is to know ourselves.
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What blossomed here in this place was the Western desire to uncover all that ignorance,
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darkness, and distance had kept hidden from the mind of man.
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The The Greeks gave us history itself.
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Much of what we know about many ancient civilizations comes almost entirely from the records of Greek explorers and historians.
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Explorers and historians who didn't just chronicle the histories of their own people,
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but ventured outward to observe and record the sagas of foreign peoples and cultures all across the world.
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Where others looked inward, the Greeks were the first to direct their focus outward,
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to chase the thrill and glory of seeing all that was strange and new.
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It was this trait, it was this trait that would push the West to create and build things that others could not.
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Marking us out from so many other cultures and civilizations where stability and subsistence were the highest ends of life.
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But it is not just the ambition to explore the unknown that we inherit from the Greeks.
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It is the conviction that the unknown can be known.
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The confidence that the world can be charted and measured
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and mapped and understood and that there is a rational order to the cosmos governed by certain fundamental laws,
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laws that men can observe and the mind can come to understand.
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This was the foundation of the Western mind.
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Our math, our science, our medicine, our philosophy, ethics, and religion.
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It paved the way for the gospel of Jesus Christ
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to find fertile soil in Europe and flourish into the empire of Christendom.
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It was the foundation of the riches of Christian theology of Augustine and Aquinas and the whole tradition of natural law.
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It gave birth to a civilization marked not just by a common culture, it was marked by a common anthropology,
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a common view of man and of his place in the universe.
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Its descendants would share not just the idea of a natural order, but a distinctive understanding of virtue,
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of destiny, of fate, of truth, goodness, and beauty, of a code that dictates how men ought to live,
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of objective standards and ideals to strive towards.
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For the Greeks of antiquity, the pursuit of excellence was the very principle of man's existence.
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They organized all of civic life around contest and ambition and competition, in philosophy and poetry and sculpture and drama,
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in athletics and art, in war and statescraft.
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The classical Greek city was an arena for great men to test and prove themselves,
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to hone their potential through perpetual struggle, to be the best, the strongest,
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the most beautiful, straining to inch ever closer to perfection.
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Now I know that to modern ears what I just described this way of life may sound odd, it may even sound cruel.
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The ideal of many ideologies in our time is frankly become a world of perfect safety, a world devoid of risk or failure,
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where neither the glory of victory nor the shame of defeat.
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Too often these days we build downwards.
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We design our standards to ensure that no one will lose.
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We preoccupy ourselves more with the comfort of the worst than the potential of the best.
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We hold the most exceptional things among us hostage to the average, the ordinary, the mediocre.
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The men who made the Parthenon, they built upwards.
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They held that the highest and most noble aspiration in life was to surpass all others, to strive to be the best in all things.
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The ancient Greek city -states were filled
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They were filled with intense passion and rivalry and faction and conflict, but from that constant struggle for distinction,
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from that came the great flowering of art and philosophy
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and political and intellectual energy
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that would transform a collective of Mediterranean cities into the birthplace of the greatest civilization in the world.
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The Thumos, as the ancient
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Greeks called it, the fire of passion, strength, courage, pride, is the heart of great civilization.
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And without it, without it, nations lose their will to fight, the will to strive, the will to survive.
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Today, too much of the West has forgotten this quality.
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Over time, we in the West came to feel ashamed of the very things that made us exceptional.
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We felt embarrassed that our achievements set us apart from the rest of the world.
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Our prosperity somehow became a source of guilt.
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We no longer believed we deserved and had earned our greatness.
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The word nationalism became a dirty word.
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And so we tore down our monuments we condemned our own history
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and in too many places we taught our children to be ashamed of the countries they would inherit.
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In the process we opened our borders and outsourced our industry and allowed our militaries to wither and to decay.
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And with every passing year we seem to outsource more of our sovereignty
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transferring our decisions to global bureaucracies far beyond the reach of our control.
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But others were all too happy to fill the vacuum that we left, the vacuum left behind by our weakness.
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And as the West's confidence faltered, its adversaries and its rivals only grew more assertive,
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building up their own wealth and their own power in our stead.
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And now, today, we find ourselves at a crossroads
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because the next decade and the decisions we make will write the story of the next century.
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The course we take will determine whether the West maintains its place at the head of the world
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or resigns itself to a future of atrophy and servitude and decline.
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We will either choose to act now or lose the choice to act at all.
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Under President Trump, the United States has made its choice.
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We choose the unapologetic pursuit of national power to take back
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control of our critical supply chains to re -industrialize our economy
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to rebuild our defense to fight for dominance of the technologies
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and industries of the future we choose to reach for new frontiers in advanced manufacturing
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and super intelligence in drones weapons and warfare in chips minerals cyber
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and every other domain of human possibility to unleash our energy
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to rebuild our factories to return our astronauts to the moon and launch a new age of exploration in space
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Now, for all their lofty ideals, the ancient Greeks were not naive.
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They understood that nations have interests.
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They understood that statecraft requires prudence and diplomacy.
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But they also understood that it requires the ability to wield force when prudence and diplomacy fail.
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They understood that power requires not only having the means to defend yourself,
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It requires the credibility that you are willing to use it.
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This is the classical understanding of politics and of statecraft that the Trump administration hopes to reclaim,
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reclaim not just for our country but for the whole of our civilization.
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We believe that Europe can awaken from its long slumber and rekindle the fire that was here millennia ago.
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There are already signs.
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Across this continent, we are witnessing what we hope will be the beginning of a generational shift,
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skyrocketing defense spending, a flurry of new partnerships and programs,
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expanded manufacturing and production, following on the historic defense commitments made last year in The Hague.
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Greece has been at the center of this shift.
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The people of this nation have proved themselves once again to be an indispensable friend to Europe
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and to the United States alike on everything from energy to migration to defense where Greece has been a model ally.
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It is our sincerest hope that all of Europe will follow your example.
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Though passions may at times have strained the bonds of affection between the United States and Europe, it must not be allowed to break them.
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Together we must strengthen an alliance capable of confronting the threats of our age.
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And we can, because we do not believe the transatlantic friendship should be zero -sum.
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Quite the opposite.
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Our vision is an alliance whose strength is greater than the sum of its parts.
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It is a vision we saw in action just last month in an unprecedented new agreement between the United States,
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Denmark, and Greenland, an agreement that will reshape the Arctic and bolster the security of all of NATO.
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All three partners in that deal emerged victorious.
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All of Europe and NATO and the United States emerged safer, stronger, and more secure because of it.
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We want to win together.
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We must win together.
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Now it's become fashionable today to believe that enlightened foreign policy means prioritizing the global community over one's own people.
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And I think here too we have much to learn from the men of ancient Greece.
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Because they knew that there was nothing selfish or wrong about loyalty to your nation,
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nor anything selfish or wrong about fighting to defend its interests above all else.
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They believed fiercely in the ideal of the great man, the exceptional individual who obtains immortality through his own deeds.
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But they believed that glory and fame, those things were won through striving,
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sacrificing, and achieving greatly for something larger than yourself.
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The recurring hero of the ancient
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Greek world was the man who was willing to pay any cost for a cause worthy of his loyalty.
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We see this in Socrates, who refused to abandon the inquiry into truth, even at the cost of his own life.
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We see it in the legendary stand of 300 Spartans, surrounded and hopelessly outnumbered by the vast armies of Persia,
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who refused the chance to save themselves, choosing to fight to the last man, rather than abandon their post or abandon their duty.
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and we see it in the epic myth of Achilles
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who is offered the choice to return home and live a long and peaceful life
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but chooses instead to remain at Troy and perish in pursuit of eternal glory.
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These are the qualities that would shape the Western moral imagination
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from the Christian martyr who refused to betray his faith to the patriot who gave his life for his country
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from St. Thomas More to the Battle of the Alamo, running through the immortal closing words of the Declaration of Independence of the United States,
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which says, we mutually pledge to each other our lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honor.
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It is from the Greeks.
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that the west inherited its sense of duty and unbreakable loyalty to one's code one's cause
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one's country our heroes the heroes of the west are those who choose to remain faithful to their duty precisely
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when it is most difficult and painful to do so the man who is bound by his word
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the soldier who will not abandon his post the captain the proverbial captain who goes down with the ship.
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This is wholly different from what we see even now, for example from fanatics like the radical mullahs of Iran,
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whose cult of death hails child suicide bombers as national heroes and portrays martyrdom as an end to itself.
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Our heroes may be willing to die for their cause, but our heroes do not worship death.
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It is precisely because we value life
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that we come to recognize the heroism and those who would sooner sacrifice it than to betray their principles.
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Now we take the West conception of these things, heroism, honor, duty, we take these things for granted.
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We assume that these somehow are universal to all people in all times and in all places.
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They are not.
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They are the product of a distinct character, a distinct character which arose here and shaped the whole story of the civilization that came after it.
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The civilization that we must fight to defend today with the same passion as our forefathers did.
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The men who built the Parthenon were succeeded by the architects of European Christendom who raised the cathedrals of Milan,
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Cologne and Florence.
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The quest to perfect the human form that moved the ancient
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Greek sculptors found a new expression in Michelangelo.
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The Greek philosopher's search for the structure of the universe was inherited by Copernicus, then Galileo, and Kepler, and Newton.
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The hunger for new knowledge, that's what gave birth to Magellan's first expedition around the world, to Columbus's discovery of the Americas,
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and ultimately to Apollo 11's journey to the moon.
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And the qualities that led Alexander to conquer the entire known world reappeared in Caesar and Charlemagne and Cortez.
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And in America, that same tradition rediscovered itself anew.
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An open and wild land became the site of a great revival of Western imagination and ambition.
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The Greek aspiration for New Horizons became the American frontier spirit.
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The civilization of Athens and Rome transformed an infant seaboard republic into a continental empire.
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The greatest Americans of every generation have carried the unmistakable features of their forefathers.
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Born in Athens, formed by Rome,
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baptized in Christendom hardened in the furnace of medieval Europe endowed with the English genius for Liberty
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and then carried across the Atlantic to be reborn on the shores of a new world together
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we must now rediscover
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that spirit we are at an inflection point an inflection point not only in the history of my nation
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but an inflection point in the whole of our civilization.
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The threats we face today are every bit as real as they were on the dramatic stage of antiquity.
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National interests did not vanish in the face of international institutions.
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War did not disappear simply because we preferred peace.
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Other states continued to arm,
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to seek influence, to compete for territory and technology and resources and markets and energy and power.
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And now there is war again.
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There is new competition between great powers again.
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There is vulnerability, aggression, terrorism, a whole universe of new threats and attacks again.
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And so we must rebuild our institutions and our alliances to face these threats together.
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Understanding that the purpose of these things is not to abolish the sovereignty of the nations that constitute them.
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It is to defend them and that nations need not abandon their distinct identities in order to recognize their common interests.
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We have built a model of that with our partners here in Greece, in our defense partnerships, in energy and technology,
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in our shared ambition to secure Europe's borders from the threats of mass migration.
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You know, our friendship dates back to the earliest years of my nation.
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When Greece rose in 1821 to recover its independence after centuries of Ottoman rule,
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Americans recognized something familiar in that struggle.
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Three years later, the great American statesman, Daniel Webster, he delivered a famous address to Congress,
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helping bring the cause of the Greek Revolution before the representatives of the young American republic.
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And he began by calling their attention to everything around them.
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This is what he said in his speech.
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He said, this free form of government, the popular assembly, this practice of free debate and public discussion, the contest of mind with mind,
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even the edifice in which we assemble these proportioned columns,
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these ornamented architecture, all remind us that Greece has existed and that we,
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like the rest of mankind, are greatly her debtors.
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Those words are as true today as they were when he said them.
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And all of us, not just
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Americans,
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but Europeans and our friends across the West must relearn the lessons our forefathers took from this place and from its history.
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The history of Greece, the history of Greece does not just offer us a glimpse, does not offer a glimpse of institutions in their earliest forms.
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The history of Greece shows us an image of ourselves.
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It shows us that ours is the inheritance of great heroes and that we should be proud,
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that we should be intensely proud of where we come from.
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We should marvel at what our forefathers carved out of this countryside.
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The story of the civilization is the greatest story ever known to man.
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And it began here with the first men and women of the West.
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From them, from them we can rediscover the virtues,
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the courage, and the strength to confront the dangers that we face in our time.
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Thank you.
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คำศัพท์และข้อสังเกตด้านการพูดสำหรับบทเรียนนี้
บทเรียนฝึกพูดนี้ใช้วิดีโอ “Secretary Rubio Delivers Remarks from the Acropolis in Athens” เป็นสื่อ วิดีโอนี้มี 77 ประโยค และ 3566 คำ สำหรับฝึกพูดตาม ช่วงที่มีเสียงพูดยาว 27:24 ผู้พูดพูดด้วยความเร็วสม่ำเสมอ ประมาณ 130 คำต่อนาที เหมาะกับการฝึกพูดตาม มีเพียง 80% ของคำที่อยู่ใน 3,000 คำที่ใช้บ่อยที่สุดในภาษาอังกฤษ คำศัพท์จึงค่อนข้างยาก
คำศัพท์สำคัญในวิดีโอนี้
คำที่ควรเรียนรู้ 15 คำจากวิดีโอ พร้อมคำอ่านและความหมาย:
| คำศัพท์ | คำอ่าน | ความหมาย |
|---|---|---|
| civilization คำนาม | /ˌsɪv.ɪ.laɪˈzeɪ.ʃən/ | อารยธรรม |
| glory คำนาม | /ˈɡlɔːɹi/ | ศิริ |
| imagination คำนาม | /ɪˌmæd͡ʒəˈneɪʃən/ | จินตนาการ |
| abandon คำกริยา | /əˈbæn.dən/ | ทิ้ง, ละทิ้ง |
| defend คำกริยา | /dɪˈfɪnd/ | ป้องกัน |
| principle คำนาม | /ˈpɹɪn.sɪ.pəl/ | หลัก, คติ |
| loyalty คำนาม | /ˈlɔɪəlti/ | ความซื่อสัตย์, ความซื่อ |
| philosopher คำนาม | /fəˈlɑsəfɚ/ | นักปราชญ์, นักปรัชญา |
| strive คำกริยา | /ˈstɹaɪv/ | พยายาม, เพียร |
| discovery คำนาม | /dɪˈskʌv.ɹi/ | การค้นพบ |
| architecture คำนาม | /ˈɑː.kɪˌtɛk.t͡ʃə/ | สถาปัตยกรรม |
| alliance คำนาม | /əˈlaɪ.əns/ | พันธมิตร |
| friendship คำนาม | /ˈfɹɛn(d)ʃɪp/ | มิตรภาพ |
| fundamental คำคุณศัพท์ | /ˌfʌn.dəˈmɛn.təl/ | พื้นฐาน, เบื้องต้น |
| courage คำนาม | /ˈkʌ.ɹɪd͡ʒ/ | ความกล้า, ความกล้าหาญ |
กริยาวลีที่คุณจะได้ยิน
| คำศัพท์ | ความหมาย |
|---|---|
| leave behind คำกริยา | ลืม |
ไวยากรณ์ในวิดีโอนี้
โครงสร้างที่ผู้พูดใช้บ่อยที่สุด พร้อมคำพูดจริงจากวิดีโอ:
| โครงสร้าง | ในวิดีโอ |
|---|---|
| Present perfect have/has + กริยาช่อง 3 — เหตุการณ์ในอดีตที่ยังเกี่ยวข้องกับปัจจุบัน | has captivated · have looked · They've looked |
| Passive voice be + กริยาช่อง 3 — เน้นสิ่งที่เกิดขึ้น ไม่ใช่ผู้กระทำ | is covered · was born · were fascinated |
| Relative clauses who / which + อนุประโยค — ข้อมูลเพิ่มเติมเกี่ยวกับคนหรือสิ่งของ | men who built · men who founded · men who made |
การออกเสียงที่ควรระวัง
ผู้พูดใช้รูปย่อและรูปลดเสียง 4 ครั้ง เช่น they've, can't, didn't ให้พูดแบบสั้นตามที่ได้ยิน
- เสียง “th”: worthy /ˈwɝ.ði/, beneath /bɪˈniːθ/, gather /ˈɡæðɚ/, ethics /ˈɛθ.ɪks/, mathematics /mæθ(.ə)ˈmæt.ɪks/
- เสียง “sh” และ “zh”: civilization /ˌsɪv.ɪ.laɪˈzeɪ.ʃən/, imagination /ɪˌmæd͡ʒəˈneɪʃən/, ambition /æmˈbɪʃ.ən/, passion /ˈpæʃən/, exceptional /ɪkˈsɛpʃənəl/
- คำยาว — ลงเสียงหนักให้ถูกพยางค์: civilization /ˌsɪv.ɪ.laɪˈzeɪ.ʃən/, imagination /ɪˌmæd͡ʒəˈneɪʃən/, exceptional /ɪkˈsɛpʃənəl/, philosopher /fəˈlɑsəfɚ/, architecture /ˈɑː.kɪˌtɛk.t͡ʃə/
เสียงที่คนไทยมักออกเสียงยาก:
- เสียงท้ายคำ — ออกเสียงให้ครบ ไม่เปลี่ยนเป็นตัวสะกดแบบไทย: ideal /aɪˈdi(ə)l/, principle /ˈpɹɪn.sɪ.pəl/, exceptional /ɪkˈsɛpʃənəl/, strive /ˈstɹaɪv/, alliance /əˈlaɪ.əns/
- /v/ — ไม่ใช่ /w/ ให้ฟันบนแตะริมฝีปากล่าง: civilization /ˌsɪv.ɪ.laɪˈzeɪ.ʃən/, strive /ˈstɹaɪv/, discovery /dɪˈskʌv.ɹi/, vacuum /ˈvæ.kjuːm/, observe /əbˈzɜːv/
- /z/ — เสียงก้อง ไม่ใช่ /s/: civilization /ˌsɪv.ɪ.laɪˈzeɪ.ʃən/, observe /əbˈzɜːv/, columns /ˈkɑləmz/, cosmos /ˈkɑzməs/, terrorism /ˈtɛɹəɹɪzəm/
วิธีฝึกกับวิดีโอนี้
- ฟังวิดีโอให้จบหนึ่งรอบโดยยังไม่ต้องพูด แล้วจดคำที่ยังไม่รู้จัก
- พูดตามทีละประโยคด้วยความเร็วปกติ ทำซ้ำแต่ละประโยคจนจังหวะของคุณตรงกับผู้พูด
- อัดเสียงตัวเองแล้วเทียบกับต้นฉบับ โดยสังเกตคำอย่าง civilization, glory, imagination เป็นพิเศษ
เทคนิค Shadowing คืออะไร?
Shadowing เป็นเทคนิคการเรียนรู้ภาษาที่ได้รับการรับรองทางวิทยาศาสตร์ พัฒนาขึ้นสำหรับการฝึกนักแปลมืออาชีพ วิธีการนี้เรียบง่ายแต่ทรงพลัง: คุณฟังเสียงภาษาอังกฤษจากเจ้าของภาษาและพูดตามทันที — เหมือนเงาที่ตามผู้พูดด้วยช่วงเวลาห่าง 1-2 วินาที การวิจัยแสดงว่าเทคนิคนี้ปรับปรุงความแม่นยำในการออกเสียง ทำนองเสียง จังหวะ การเชื่อมเสียง การฟังเข้าใจ และความคล่องแคล่วในการพูดได้อย่างมีนัยสำคัญ