Shadowing Practice: Why Muslim Countries Are Banning the Hijab in Schools - Learn English Speaking with Video
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Every September, the start of the school year brings the same fight across the Turkic world,
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and also in Tajikistan.
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Devout families in the state square off over whether a girl
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may wear a headscarf to class at school gates in western Kazakhstan and the Uzbek provinces and at Tajik universities.
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This year, Azerbaijan joined the fight.
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On September 21st, the cabinet administers issued a decree on what children may wear to public school.
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The word hijab appears nowhere in the text, and nobody in Baku misread its target.
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The region's leaders have never been coy about the stakes.
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In 2012, Nur Sultan Nazarbayev declared that wearing Arabic hijabs
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and sending our women back to the Middle Ages is not our path.
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The fight also draws in the region's powers.
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When Baku first tried the school ban in 2010, an Iranian Grand Ayatollah condemned it.
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This month, the sharpest objections came from Turkey, Azerbaijan's closest ally.
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The Islamist monthly Baran accused Baku of reviving 100-year-old Kamalist prohibitionism,
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and the pro-government daily Yeni Akhip ran the story as its banner headline and the teachers of the U.S.
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Soviet Union.
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This is Tehran Research Center, hosted by the Yurtown Institute, where we break down the geopolitics of Turkey, Iran, the Caucasus, and Central Asia.
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If you're new here and want more analysis like this, please like, subscribe, and leave your thoughts in the comments.
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Now, let's get into it.
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The decree completes a sequence that began in July, when Azerbaijan's parliament, D'Amelie Medjlis, amended the law in general education.
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The amendment defines the school system as secular and grounded in national and universal values, and it binds pupils, teachers,
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and parents to state dress requirements.
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Decision number 309 supplies the mechanism.
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Each school's pedagogical council rules on compliance, and parents answer for it.
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National dress remains welcome at cultural events.
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The decree also cleaned up a mess.
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In February and March, school directors in Sumgayit, Mehdiabad, and elsewhere sent girls and headscarps home with no legal basis.
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One school expelled 23 pupils in a single day.
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When rights lawyers objected, the schools quietly relented.
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But now, the next school director who sends a girl home will have regulations to point to.
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What sets Azerbaijan apart from its Central Asian neighbors is how little demand there is for the headscarf in the first place.
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Azerbaijan ranks among the least observant Muslim-majority societies in the world.
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Gallup has placed it among the least religious countries anywhere, and only 1% of Azerbaijani Muslims told Pew that they attend mosque weekly.
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Demand is concentrated in pockets of Shia observance, such as the town of Nardaran outside Baku, where Iranian influence runs deep.
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When the education ministry first tried a school ban in 2010, protests broke out in Baku and Nardaran, and the Iranian Grand Ayatollah,
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Nasr Meharam Shirazi, condemned it publicly.
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The ministry backed down.
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Demonstrators jailed after later protests became known as the hijab prisoners and a cause for Iran-aligned networks.
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The decree has brought the fight back to the street.
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Why?
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Why?
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Because of the government's rights.
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The government's rights.
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Girls and headscarves have been turned away at school gates in Baku, Sumgayit, and Jalilabad, and on October 6,
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the government extended the dress rules to teachers, some of whom were told to uncover or resign.
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Don't be afraid of you!
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Don't be afraid of you!
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Don't be afraid of you!
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Don't be afraid of you!
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The protests that followed have been scattered rather than massive.
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People's boycotting class in Baku's Balakhani settlement, and in Masali, families gathering at school entrances and clashes with school staff.
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Some have turned violent.
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Videos from protests show demonstrators forcing their way into school buildings and vandalizing school property.
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On October 12th, the Interior Ministry announced 37 detentions and opened a criminal case for disrupting public order.
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and videos posted from the protest.
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Demonstrators chant .
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A pledge to the hidden imam of Shia belief in the language of Iran's revolutionary rallies
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and we will die before we give up the hijab.
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The ideology and informative events will never stop.
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It was before, but today in Azad Qarabağ, in the Azərbaycan, the movement was more difficult to get the attack.
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The government's answer on air.
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It was a student, a student, a student, a student.
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And the government's attitude and the government's attitude and the government's
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time of the world.
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Tehran's interest is no secret, even to its own diplomats.
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Javad Zarif, Iran's former foreign minister, put it this way.
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Azerbaijan is a Shia majority state on Iran's border,
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and Tehran has long cast itself as the guardian of Azerbaijan's Shia. In Baku,
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the question of who decides what a girl wears to school comes down to who holds sovereignty over religious life in Azerbaijan.
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Iran's hostility is predictable.
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Turkey's reaction exposed the limits of the slogan the two governments use to describe their alliance, one nation, two states.
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Islam, enemies, enemies!
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Even before the decree, Istanbul MP Mustafa Yeneroglu, a former AKP lawmaker, had called the spring expulsion systematic and warned that
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Turkey's own experience showed the path to be a dead end.
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After the decree came the press campaign from Baran and Yeni Akit.
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Within days, Emili Meclis' commission on foreign interference and Azerbaijan's media regulator
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accused unnamed circles in Turkey of running a coordinated social media campaign using real
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and fake accounts and targeted advertising to turn Azerbaijanis against their own government and against the alliance.
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Both ask Ankara to act against the organizers.
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Neither statement named the subject of the posts.
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Baku has lodged complaints like this before.
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Its ties with Israel have drawn sustained fire in Turkish media since the Gaza war.
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In March, after a drone strike on Nakshaban that Baku blamed on Iran, a wave of Turkish posts accused Aliyev of doing Washington's and Israel's bidding.
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Ankara's own disinformation center blocked 41 accounts and appealed for calm.
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Turkish religious conservatives react this strongly because they recognize the policy.
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The Turkish Republic enforced headscarf bans for decades.
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Between 2010 and 2017, the AKP dismantled them in universities, the civil service, schools, the police, and in the military.
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For the party's base, the campaign is a founding story of rights won from an overbearing secular state.
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Turkish secularists tell the story the other way around.
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They argue that the state owes minors a classroom free of religious identity markers,
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and that the AKP used the language of rights to advance a political program.
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Northern Cyprus put that argument to the test.
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In March In March 2025, a middle school in northern Nicosia turned away a pupil and a headscarf.
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Prime Minister Önal Öztel's government responded by amending school regulations to permit it.
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Thousands marched under the slogan, Cyprus is secular and will remain secular.
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The teachers union leader, Elma Ailem, called the change AKP social engineering.
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A month later, Turkish Sybarates elected the opposition leader Turfan Erhuman, president over Ankara's preferred candidate.
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In Nicosia and in Baku, defending the secular school has become a way to mark distance from Ankara without breaking with it.
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In Central Asia, the pressure comes from below,
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and the argument over the hijab is at the root of an argument over who defines national identity after the Soviet Union.
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The region's states emerged in 1991, with Soviet-trained secular elites and populations whose
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Islam had been largely hollowed.
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The religious revival in large part arrived from abroad, through missionaries, Gulf-funded scholarships and later social media.
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Governments built official spiritual administrations to train imams and issue rulings the state could accept.
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Islam practiced outside those channels became a security matter, and dress became the most visible border between the two.
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Nur Sultan Nazarbayi put it plainly in 2012, Wearing Arabic hijabs and sending our women back to the Middle Ages is not our path.
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In 2024, Qasim Jamar Takayev told the national Kurultai
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that the spread of black robes was a thoughtless imitation of foreign norms rooted in fanaticism.
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That same year, Tajikistan passed a law banning clothing alien to national culture.
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Since 2023, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan, and Kazakhstan have all banned the face veil in public.
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Each state promotes a national alternative the Kazakh Kameshek, the Kyrgyz Elytschek, a Yuluk,
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the Uzbek Romal headscarf, a Ndopi skullcap,
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the Tajik Atlas dress, and light scarf knotted at the nape that grandmother wore through the Soviet decades.
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Every one of these governments gives the same answer.
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The hijab is an import, modesty belongs to the national tradition, and the public school must remain secular.
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That answer is under growing pressure because the hijab itself is gaining ground, above all among young Central Asians.
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For them, it signals piety and modernity and a break with their parents' Soviet-inflected Islam.
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Each September brings new standoffs at school gates in western Kazakhstan, in the Uzbek provinces, and at Tajik universities.
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Turkey, Iran, and the Gulf monarchies all use mosques, scholarships, and religious media as instruments of soft power in the region,
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but none of them mounts the kind of state-sponsored challenge Baku faces from Tehran.
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The most durable secular models draw the line at the door of the state.
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In Azerbaijan and Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan, since its 2021 religion law, a woman may wear a hijab in the street,
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at a private workplace, and in the mosque.
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Religious practice is broadly protected so long as it avoids what the state defines as extremism
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or incitement to ethnic or religious hatred.
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The restriction applies to public school, the institution these states rely on to build a shared civic identity.
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Kazakhstan has gone furthest in giving the secular school a constitutional footing.
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The new constitution, approved by referendum in March and enforced since July, guarantees secular education everywhere outside religious institutions.
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The rule it protects is a 2016
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Education Ministry Uniform Order barring religious attire.
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Since 2017, that order has produced a confrontation every September, concentrated in the more conservative
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West and South of the country.
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The courts have set terms.
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In 2024, the Supreme Court held that a school may not deny a girl her education,
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but also that the ministry sets the uniform and parents must comply with it.
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Chekayev has said repeatedly that schools are places for acquiring knowledge, and the religious belief is a private matter.
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This September tested the model.
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Education Minister Julduz Suleymanova warned that private schools admitting girls in hijabs could lose their licenses.
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She noted that the National Security Committee, the Cayenne Bay, sits on the Enforcement Commission.
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The state Muftiyat replied that covering is obligatory for girls past puberty.
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It proposed headscarves matched to the school uniform.
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Then it deleted the post.
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Oljas Kudebergenov, a former advisor to Tukayev, sided with the clerics.
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The Times of Central Asia read the whole episode as a split inside the establishment,
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with the religious camp arguing calmly and the secularists reaching for the security services.
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The division inside the elite matters.
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Yet the way it plays out makes the strongest case for Kazakhstan's model.
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The dispute runs through a constitution, the courts, a ministry, and a muftiat that ultimately answers to the state,
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and every side argues it in the open.
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The secular state also commands a public that shares its instincts.
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In Pew's survey, only 18% of Kazakhstan's Muslims said religion was very important in their lives.
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That public has also watched the hijab promoted in ways that looked more like a marketing campaign than a religious awakening.
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The influencer episode looks different up close.
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In early 2023, several Instagram influencers with audiences in the millions, accounts built on luxury brands, beauty content, and beach photos,
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adopted the hijab within weeks of one another and began posting religious content.
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Kazakh media reported that bloggers had been offered money to cover.
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The television host, Dinara Satchan, said bloggers had told her the sums were large.
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Gulnara Bashkeneva, editor-in-chief of the news site Orda, said the synchronized change of lifestyles looked from the outside like a marketing strategy.
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to organize their life, their orthodox religion.
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her to cover again.
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For many Kazakhs, the episode reinforced the suspicion that the hijab spread owes as much to money and fashion as to faith.
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On the hijab itself, Uzbekistan looks like its neighbors.
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It finds the face veil, bars the hijab from state schools, and permits only a light national headscarf tied to leave the chin uncovered.
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On other religious questions, it has moved in the opposite direction.
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Since 2016, Shevkat Mirziwev has restored the public call to prayer.
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The security service's blacklist of suspected extremists has been cut from more than 17,500 names to about 1,350.
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The ban on religious dress in public has been lifted.
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The state has also made room for commentators and preachers whose views Uzbekistan's first president, Islam Karimov, would have treated as subversive.
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Kamala de Nourabimov, among the country's most prominent political commentators, has praised Mirzioya for treating
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Islam as a source of national unity.
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He welcomed the appointment of an education minister open to headscarves in schools.
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Abrar Mukhtar Ali, a preacher with some 1.1 million YouTube subscribers, has repeatedly provoked public outrage with his sermons on gender,
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such as women like husbands who beat them.
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He has held posts at both the official
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Muslim board and the state's center of Islamic civilization.
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When one of his statements set off a backlash, the center apologized for his remarks, then gave him a new position.
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Tashkent co-ops the religious revival by bringing its loudest voices inside state institutions.
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That gives officials standing to views on women's place that go well beyond anything in the school uniform rules.
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Uzbek secularism holds firm at the schoolhouse door and grows more negotiable elsewhere.
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Tajikistan has the widest gap in the region between its government and population.
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Shortly after independence, The country fell into a civil war from 1992 to 1997
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that killed tens of thousands and pitted the secular government against an Islamist-led opposition.
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It remains the poorest of the former Soviet republics.
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Remittances for migrant workers, most of them in Russia, are worth nearly half of GDP.
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Religiosity was rising well before the state's harshest measures.
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In Pew's survey from 2011 and 2012, half of Tajik Muslims called religion very important in their lives,
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and 27% favored Sharia as state law.
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Extremist influence reaches the country from several directions.
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In 2015, Tehran received the exiled leader of the banned
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Islamic Renaissance Party as a guest of honor.
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Militant networks operate from across the Afghan border.
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More than 1,300 Tajiks went to fight for the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria.
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Among them was Gulmurad Halimov, commander of Tajikistan's own special police, who defected in 2015 and became the group's minister of war.
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Most of those recruits were radicalized as migrant workers in Russia.
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All four gunmen charged in the March 2024 Kroka City Hall attack near Moscow were Tajik citizens.
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A government with few resources is answered with force.
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It barred the hijab from schools in 2007 and from public institutions in 2009.
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It banned the Islamic Renaissance Party in 2015 and has closed more than 1,500 mosques since 2011.
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In 2024, it outlawed alien clothing in public.
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Private citizens face fines of about $730 more than four months average wages.
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Officials, clerics and businesses face fines of up to five thousand dollars.
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Women have been turned away from hospitals over their headscarves
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and men have been forced to shape even as officials denied that any ban exists.
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These measures have pushed religiosity out of public view.
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They have done nothing to close the gap between a narrow secular elite and an increasingly devout society.
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Turkmenistan has taken the question out of society's hands.
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It needs no hijab law because it prescribes women's appearances directly.
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Through the unpublished presidential recommendations, teachers, students, and civil servants wear national dress.
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Since 2025, women working in Ashgabat have been told to wear yellow headscarves and dresses.
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Turkmen women are effectively required to cover their hair as as long as the headscarf is the state's.
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Kyrgyzstan sits at the opposite pole.
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It is the only state in the region that allows the hijab in the classroom.
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It also has the densest networks of Islamic schools and, in Pew's data, the strongest support for Sharia's state law at 35%.
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Even Bishkek banned the face fail in 2025, citing the Mufti's ruling that it was a foreign trend.
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Its tolerance in the classroom reflects a weaker state in a more religious society.
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The face veil ban shows how quickly that tolerance narrows once the government decides the practice is foreign.
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Azerbaijan and Kazakhstan stand apart because their secularism rests on consent as well as force.
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Baku has written it into statute and Erstenah into its constitution.
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Both root disputes through courts and ministries.
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Both publish the rules they enforce and both keep the restriction at the schoolhouse door while leaving religious life beyond it free.
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Both also govern publics that largely serve the premise.
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In Pew's survey, Azerbaijan and Kazakhstan recorded the region's lowest support for Sharia's state law at 8 and 10 percent.
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Each has a vulnerability.
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In Azerbaijan, it lies in enforcement, where security-first approach risks handing Iran-line networks the same grievance they cultivated after 2010.
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In Kazakhstan, it lies within the elite a muftiat willing to contradict a minister in public
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and a former presidential advisor willing to side with it, suggests the consensus is thinner at the top than the constitution implies.
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The regional powers will test both.
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Iran's interest in Azerbaijan's Shia has only sharpened since this year's war.
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Turkey's challenge is subtler and harder to manage because it comes from an ally.
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Ankara presents the Organization of Turkic States as a civilizational community,
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and its religious institutions and pro-government media carry the AKP's model of public piety into the region.
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Baku and Astana work closely with Ankara on energy, transport, and security, but neither lets a partner dictate its foreign or domestic policy,
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and Northern Cyprus showed the same resistance in Turkey's closest dependency.
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Both governments have concluded
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that a girl's headscarf is their own business everywhere except the one building where the state is trying to make citizens.
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Tehran, Ankara, and the families at the school gate will keep testing that line every September.
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Thank you.
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אוצר מילים והערות הגייה לשיעור הזה
שיעור הדיבור הזה ברמה C1 מבוסס על הסרטון “Why Muslim Countries Are Banning the Hijab in Schools”. המילים שחוזרות הכי הרבה: religious, hijab, Baku, secular. בסרטון הזה יש 237 משפטים ו-3015 מילים לתרגול Shadowing. הדיבור נמשך 24:29. הדובר שומר על קצב יציב של כ-123 מילים בדקה, קצב נוח לתרגול Shadowing. רק 73% מהמילים נמצאות בין 3,000 המילים הנפוצות ביותר באנגלית, כך שאוצר המילים מאתגר.
אוצר מילים מרכזי בסרטון הזה
15 המילים המתקדמות ביותר בסרטון, עם ההגייה והמשמעות שלהן:
| מילה | הגייה | משמעות |
|---|---|---|
| hijab שם עצם | /hɪˈd͡ʒɑːb/ | חיג׳אב, חִגָ׳אבּ |
| headscarf שם עצם | /ˈhɛdˌskɑɹf/ | שָׁבִיס |
| secular שם תואר | /ˈsɛkjʊlə/ | חול, חילוני |
| mosque שם עצם | /mɑsk/ | מִסְגָּד |
| accuse פועל | /əˈkjuz/ | האשים |
| slogan שם עצם | /ˈsloʊɡən/ | סְלוֹגֶן, סִסְמָה |
| restriction שם עצם | /ɹɪˈstɹɪkʃən/ | הַגְבָּלָה, סְיָג |
| pupil שם עצם | /ˈpjuːpəl/ | תַּלְמִיד, תַּלְמִידָה |
| alley שם עצם | /ˈæl.i/ | סִמְטָה |
| revival שם עצם | /ɹɪˈvaɪ̯vəl/ | תחייה |
| advisor שם עצם | /ædˈvaɪ.zə(ɹ)/ | יוֹעֵץ |
| tolerance שם עצם | /ˈtɑ.lə.ɹəns/ | סובלנות |
| subscriber שם עצם | /səbˈskɹaɪbɚ/ | מָנוּי |
| emerge פועל | /ɪˈmɝd͡ʒ/ | צץ, התגלה |
| resign פועל | /ɹɪˈzaɪn/ | התפטר |
Phrasal verbs שתשמעו
| מילה | משמעות |
|---|---|
| give up פועל | וִתֵּר |
דקדוק בסרטון הזה
המבנים שהדובר משתמש בהם הכי הרבה, עם המילים המדויקות מהסרטון:
| מבנה | בסרטון |
|---|---|
| הווה מושלם (Present perfect) have/has + past participle — פעולה שקרתה בעבר ועדיין יש לה חשיבות או השפעה עכשיו | have never been · has placed · has brought |
| סביל (Passive voice) be + past participle — הדגש הוא על מה שקורה, לא על מי שעושה את הפעולה | is concentrated · have been turned · were told |
הגייה ששווה לשים לב אליה
הדובר משתמש ב-5 קיצורים וצורות מקוצרות, כמו don't, you're. אמרו אותם בצורה הקצרה, כפי שאתם שומעים אותם.
- הצלילים של “sh” ו-“zh”: restriction /ɹɪˈstɹɪkʃən/, civilization /ˌsɪv.ɪ.laɪˈzeɪ.ʃən/, recommendation /ˌɹɛkəmɛnˈdeɪʃən/
- מילים ארוכות — שימו לב להטעמה: demonstrator /ˈdɛmənstɹeɪtə(ɹ)/, religiosity /ɹɪˌlɪd͡ʒɪˈɑsəti/, secularism /ˈsɛkjʊləɹɪzəm/, commentator /ˈkɑmənˌteɪtəɹ/, referendum /ˌɹɛfəˈɹɛndəm/
צלילים שדוברי עברית מתקשים בהם:
- /w/ — שפתיים מעוגלות, לא /v/: warn /woɹn/, workplace /ˈwɝkˌpleɪs/
- /æ/ — פתוח יותר מה-“אֶ” העברית, לא כמו “a” ב-“cup”: alley /ˈæl.i/, advisor /ædˈvaɪ.zə(ɹ)/
- /r/ — הלשון לא נוגעת בשום מקום, לא ה-“ר” הגרונית: headscarf /ˈhɛdˌskɑɹf/, decree /dɪˈkɹiː/, demonstrator /ˈdɛmənstɹeɪtə(ɹ)/, cleric /ˈklɛɹɪk/, religiosity /ɹɪˌlɪd͡ʒɪˈɑsəti/
איך לתרגל עם הסרטון הזה
- הקשיבו לכל הסרטון פעם אחת בלי לדבר, ורשמו את המילים שאתם לא מכירים.
- תרגלו Shadowing משפט אחר משפט במהירות רגילה, וחזרו על כל משפט עד שהקצב שלכם תואם את הדובר.
- הקליטו את עצמכם והשוו למקור, תוך תשומת לב למילים כמו hijab, headscarf, secular.
מהי טכניקת השאדואינג?
שאדואינג היא טכניקת למידת שפה מבוססת מדע שפותחה במקור להכשרת מתורגמנים מקצועיים ופופולרית על ידי הפוליגלוט ד"ר אלכסנדר ארגואלס. השיטה פשוטה אך עוצמתית: אתה מקשיב לאודיו באנגלית ילידית וחוזר עליו בקול רם מיד — כמו צל העוקב אחרי הדובר עם עיכוב של 1–2 שניות בלבד. בניגוד להאזנה פסיבית או תרגילי דקדוק, שאדואינג מכריח את המוח והשרירים בפה לעבד ולשחזר דפוסי דיבור אמיתיים בו זמנית. מחקרים מראים שזה משפר משמעותית את דיוק ההגייה, האינטונציה, הקצב, הדיבור המחובר, הבנת השמיעה ושטף הדיבור — מה שהופך אותו לאחת השיטות היעילות ביותר להכנה לIELTS Speaking ולתקשורת באנגלית בעולם האמיתי.