跟讀練習: The unpopular idea that would save San Francisco - 通過影片學習英語口語
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112 句
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If you told San Francisco politicians that they should take lessons from Rudy Giuliani, they'd think you're nuts.
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Maybe even evil.
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They see him as quite likely the second most destructive politician in America, who peddled conspiracy theories, tried to stage a coup, and is finally getting his due comeuppance.
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But when Rudy Giuliani took over New York in 1994, it looked a lot like today's San Francisco.
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Or for that matter, Chicago, Baltimore, Portland, or a number of other cities as well.
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The fixes to these cities aren't state secrets.
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Giuliani took care of New York with some straightforward solutions that can be used today.
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First, let's take a quick look at San Francisco.
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Now, I live in the Bay Area, and when I mention that to some people, they're stunned, thinking that I live in some sort of third-world smoldering city.
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So let me be clear.
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If you've only seen San Francisco through news reports and crazy clips online, it's not as bad as you think.
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There are a whole lot of amazingly beautiful parts of town, and you'll find neighborhoods that are safe and clean.
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But big parts of it are actually hell holes, and everybody who lives here knows it.
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It's a mess.
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Mentally ill and drug addicted people have literally taken over chunks of the city.
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We have increasing violence, car break-ins, open-air drug dealing and shoplifting that's driving businesses right out of the city.
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It's left some areas as wastelands.
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And it's not just an eyesore, it's a human tragedy unfolding right before our eyes.
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Drug deaths have exploded and people with horrific problems are living like zombies on the streets.
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And the elephant in the room is that the government has no solution on the horizon.
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Its policies aren't simply failing, they're making things worse.
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Now I also lived in New York when it was in a doom loop of its own.
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The city was dystopian.
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Murder rates were astronomical.
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Times Square was more about prostitution and drugs than tourism.
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And no sane person would walk through Central Park after dark.
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Schools were dysfunctional and the government was broke.
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Mafia corruption was a real factor, and people cheered when vigilantes like Bernie Goetz shot muggers on a train, or the guardian angels patrolled streets.
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Like troubled cities today, it wasn't one problem, but a whole litany of problems.
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And in eight years as mayor, Rudy Giuliani turned all of that around.
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Violent crime dropped by over half.
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Robberies fell 67 percent.
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The number of yearly murders dropped from 2,000 in his first year to 649 in his last, literally saving thousands of lives over his tenure.
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Unemployment dropped from over 10% in 1993 to 5.6% in 2001.
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Welfare rolls dropped by half.
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School test scores went up.
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He inherited a city with a 2.3 billion dollar budget gap and left with a surplus.
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The city turned from an urban nightmare to a livable city and a tourist mecca.
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It was the absolute reverse of a doom loop.
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I saw it happen and I know it's possible.
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But the first step doesn't start at City Hall.
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It actually starts with voters.
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They need to get fed up and they need to vote that way.
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Politicians rarely push change on their own.
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It's hard work.
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So they're generally barometers of public sentiment.
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They don't lead the marching band, they see where it's going and they jump out in front of it.
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Now, people of San Francisco are generally very nice people, maybe too much so.
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That comes through in city politics, with their real concerns about things like poverty, minority rights, the rights of accused criminals and police brutality.
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Voters here don't want to criminalize poverty
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and they We support harm reduction strategies like cash and needle giveaways that other communities might call enabling.
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But values like safety and public order are increasing.
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Voters recalled Chaso Bodine, who was essentially a pro-criminal district attorney, but the vote was fairly close.
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He ended up with 45% of the vote.
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But as the situation continues to deteriorate here, and it will, voters will eventually be ready for radical change.
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In New York, that radical change was electing a Republican prosecutor who'd broken the mob
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and sent more than his fair share of Wall Street criminals to jail.
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His strategy to fix New York traces its roots to an Atlantic Magazine article in 1982.
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It was called Broken Windows by George Kelling and James Q.
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Wilson.
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Imagine a building where vandals have broken a window or two.
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If those windows go unrepaired, it won't be long before they're all broken.
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Then graffiti appears and soon the whole place turns into a mess.
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The theory argues that small signs of disorder send a message that neglect is acceptable.
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And that attracts more serious crime and bad behavior.
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By cracking down on these small offenses, a sense of order is set, creating an environment where lawlessness is the norm, not the exception.
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This idea fundamentally changes the approach to law enforcement, shifting focus from just reacting to major crimes to actively maintaining community standards.
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Before Giuliani was even elected, Bill Bratton had come in to lead the New York Transit Police and he used the broken windows approach.
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Small fixes like cleaning up graffiti and going after fair jumpers and vandals signaled that even minor offenses had consequences.
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The result was a drastic drop in serious subway crime as well.
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Soon after the election, Giuliani named Bratton as the police commissioner for the entire city.
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Their first target, the squeegee men.
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These were guys who'd come up to cars stopped at red lights and start cleaning the window, whether you wanted it or not.
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Then they demanded money, which was really closer to a shakedown.
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Now, people couldn't easily get away, and you worry about getting your car scratched up by this guy standing right outside.
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For commuters coming into New York, This was often the first person they encountered in the city.
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So police started arresting the squeegee men, who were then immediately released because there was no law against aggressive window cleaning.
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There was, however, a law against jaywalking, and the police started arresting them for that.
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And when they returned, they got arrested again until they literally were harassed out of traffic and disappeared from the city.
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On one hand, it was a trivial move, but it signaled to all New Yorkers that order was returning to the city.
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It also showed what would become a pattern to Rudy Giuliani, tenacity.
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He didn't hold a press conference and whine that his hands were tied unless the city council passed an anti squeegee law.
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He pushed through obstacles to get things done.
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And cities are filled with obstacles to change.
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Lifetime bureaucrats, powerful unions, wealthy special interests.
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It takes determination and a lot of stubbornness to make things happen.
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New York also did the opposite of defund the police, increasing the number of cops on the streets by a lot.
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By contrast, when it was trendy in 2020,
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the San Francisco mayor slashed $120 million from the police budget and redirected it to prioritizing investments in the African American community.
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In New York, there were more cops and they were empowered.
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They also used something called comp stat targeting to go after large and small crimes alike.
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Open air drug markets were shut down and with that, the violent crime that came with them.
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When they would make an arrest and find a guy with a gun on them, that was one less gun off the street and one less body off the street as well often.
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They took a tough stance on the homeless.
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You'd be arrested for public urination, or drinking, or aggressive panhandling.
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Giuliani literally harassed bad behavior off of the streets.
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And at the same time, the city increased shelter capacity and transitional housing.
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Beyond crime, the key word with the rest of the Giuliani reforms was accountability.
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City agencies were held responsible for results.
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School administrators and teachers were held accountable to quantifiable measurements.
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Welfare reform reduced dependency and encouraged self-sufficiency.
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But all throughout, Giuliani was criticized.
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A lot.
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He was slammed by homeless advocates for violating civil liberties or pushing the problem off to other cities.
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Critics argued that the police strategies unfairly targeted minorities and that the city criminalized poverty instead of addressing the systemic issues.
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His hard-edged style made him a lot of enemies.
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But when he was done, he transformed a city that people said was unmanageable.
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Can San Francisco and today's cities copy that success?
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I'm not really sure.
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I do know there's a blueprint from recent history that they should take a very strong look at.
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Thanks for watching.
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I hope you come back again.
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本課的詞彙與口語要點
這節 B2 級別的口語課以影片“The unpopular idea that would save San Francisco”為素材。 影片中反覆出現的詞有：Giuliani, Francisco, crime, San, window。 這段影片共有 112 個句子、1461 個單詞可供跟讀。 講話部分時長為 7:36。 說話人語速較快，每分鐘約 192 個詞，會出現較多連讀和弱讀。 只有 79% 的單詞屬於英語最常用的 3,000 詞，詞彙難度較高。
影片中的重點詞彙
影片中最難的 15 個單詞，附發音和釋義：
| 單詞 | 發音 | 釋義 |
|---|---|---|
| voter 名詞 | /ˈvoʊtɚ/ | 投票者, 選民 /選民 |
| squeegee 名詞 | /ˈskwiˌd͡ʒi/ | 刮刀刮水刷 |
| politician 名詞 | /ˌpɑ.ləˈtɪʃ.ən/ | 政治家, 從政者 /從政者 |
| harass 動詞 | /həˈɹæs/ | 騷擾 /騷擾 |
| vandal 名詞 | /ˈvændəl/ | 破壞者 /破壞者 |
| graffiti 名詞 | /ɡɹəˈfi.ti/ | 塗鴉 /塗鴉 |
| obstacle 名詞 | /ˈɑbstəkəl/ | 障礙 /障礙, 妨礙 /妨礙 |
| doom 名詞 | /duːm/ | 厄運 /厄運 |
| barometer 名詞 | /bəˈɹɑ.mə.tɚ/ | 氣壓表 /氣壓表, 氣壓計 /氣壓計 |
| blueprint 名詞 | /ˈbluːˌpɹɪnt/ | 藍圖 /藍圖 |
| bureaucrat 名詞 | /ˈbjʊɹəkɹæt/ | 官僚 |
| comeuppance 名詞 | /kʌmˈʌpəns/ | 報應 /報應 |
| deteriorate 動詞 | /dɪˈtɪɹ.iə.ɹeɪt/ | 使……惡化 /使……惡化, 使……變壞 /使……變壞 |
| eyesore 名詞 | /ˈaɪsoɹ/ | 眼中釘 /眼中釘, 肉中刺，眼中釘 /肉中刺 |
| jaywalk 動詞 | /ˈd͡ʒeɪ.wɔːk/ | 亂穿馬路 /亂穿馬路 |
影片中出現的短語動詞
| 單詞 | 釋義 |
|---|---|
| take over 動詞 | 接管, 接手 |
| come back 動詞 | 回來 /回來, 返回 |
| go up 動詞 | 上昇 /上升, 上去 |
影片中的語法
說話人最常用的結構，並附上影片中的原話：
| 結構 | 影片中的用法 |
|---|---|
| 被動語態 be + 過去分詞 — 強調發生了什麼，而不是誰做的 | was called · is set · was even elected |
| 現在完成時 have/has + 過去分詞 — 過去發生但與現在仍有關聯的事 | you've only seen · have exploded · have broken |
需要注意的發音
說話人用了 21 次縮略和弱讀形式，例如 they're, aren't, don't。請按聽到的簡短形式來說。
- “sh” 和 “zh” 音: politician /ˌpɑ.ləˈtɪʃ.ən/, shakedown /ˈʃeɪkdaʊn/, urination /jʊəɹɪˈneɪʃən/, transitional /tɹænˈzɪʃənəl/, prostitution /ˌprɒstɪˈt͡ʃuːʃn/
- 長單詞——注意重音位置: politician /ˌpɑ.ləˈtɪʃ.ən/, astronomical /ˌæs.tɹəˈnɑm.ɪ.kəl/, barometer /bəˈɹɑ.mə.tɚ/, deteriorate /dɪˈtɪɹ.iə.ɹeɪt/, dystopian /dɪsˈtoʊ.pi.ən/
如何用這段影片練習
- 先完整聽一遍影片，不要開口，記下不認識的單詞。
- 先用 0.75 倍速逐句跟讀，熟練之後再回到正常速度。
- 錄下自己的聲音並與原聲對比，特別注意 voter, squeegee, politician 這類單詞。
什麼是跟讀法？
跟讀法 (Shadowing) 是一種有科學依據的語言學習技巧，最初開發用於專業口譯員的培訓，並由多語言者Alexander Arguelles博士普及。這個方法簡單而強大：您在聽英語母語原聲的同時立即大聲重複——就像是一個延遲1-2秒緊跟說話者的影子。與被動聽力或語法練習不同，跟讀法強迫您的大腦和口腔肌肉同時處理並模模擬實的講話模式。研究表明它能顯著提高發音準確性，語調，節奏，連讀，聽力理解和口語流利度——使其成為雅思口語備考和真實英語交流最有效的方法之一。