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It's February 9th, 1987, 11 p .m.
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Robert Bud McFarlane, the former
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National Security Advisor to President Reagan, is locked away in his home office in Bethesda, Maryland, a suburban community on the edge of Washington,
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D .C., furiously typing away.
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Bud's wife Janda has already gone upstairs to bed, but Bud can't sleep.
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He has a lot on his mind.
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For weeks, he's been mired in a political scandal that's rocked the Reagan administration to its core.
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A scandal that threatens to take down the president and everyone around him.
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It involves backroom deals and shady arms dealers, offshore bank accounts in the Cayman Islands, and illegal covert operations.
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They're calling it the Iran -Contra affair.
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Butt is known for being tightly controlled,
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even intense, but all day long he's been feeling unhinged as he hears voices of newscasters swirling through his head.
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Good evening.
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Tom, officials here are calling it the worst scandal of the Reagan presidency and costing him a top advisor.
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The President was still maintaining today that his Iranian arms deal was not a mistake.
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The Attorney General said later former
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National Security Advisor McFarlane had also been aware of the scheme.
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A major turning point was a few weeks back during Reagan's State of the Union address.
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Bud hasn't been able to get it out of his mind.
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I took a risk with regard to our action in Iran.
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It did not work.
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And for that, I assumed full responsibility.
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The goals were worthy, but we did not achieve what we wished.
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And serious mistakes were made in trying to do so.
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Serious mistakes, with Bud's name all over them.
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His misdeeds are public knowledge now, and people in Congress want to exact their pound of flesh.
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In just a few hours, Budd is scheduled to appear before the Tower Commission,
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an investigative body appointed by Congress to look into the Iran -Contra scandal.
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He'll be forced to answer difficult questions about his activities, potentially illegal activities, during his time in the White House.
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Budd is a Marine.
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Marines are trained to fight, not navigate a swamp of media scrutiny and partisan politics.
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His entire life, all he wanted to do was serve his country, and now he feels like he's failed.
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And if he does go down, all his ideas for international relations will never be heard.
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So he types and types, deep into the morning, essays covering everything from arms control with Russia to diplomatic relations in the Middle East.
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Recommendations for his former boss, President Reagan, who didn't want to listen, even when Bud had his ear.
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Maybe he'll listen now.
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Bud writes something else, too.
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A handwritten note to his wife, Janda, the woman with whom he spent the last 33 years of his life, asking for her understanding and forgiveness.
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He gets up from his desk,
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walks to the kitchen, and puts the stack of papers on the counter with the letter to his wife on top.
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Then he pours himself a glass of red wine, reaches in his pocket, and pulls out a bottle of pills.
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Valium.
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He puts one in his mouth and uses the wine to wash it down.
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And then another.
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And another, methodically until every pill in the bottle is gone.
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In all, Bud swallows 30 tablets.
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He bows his head and says a quick prayer before heading upstairs.
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When he climbs into bed, Jonda is still awake.
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She can sense something is different.
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Bud, what's wrong?
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Nothing.
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Bud reaches over and takes her by the hand.
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I just want to hold you for a little while.
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Okay?
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Good night.
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Good night.
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Jonda kisses him on the cheek.
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It's all part of their nightly routine.
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But tonight, Bud knows it might be the last.
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He turns off the light, closes his eyes, and waits.
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From Wondery, I'm Lindsey Graham, and this is American Scandal.
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According to Bud McFarlane, Iran -Contra was never supposed to be a scandal.
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It was never supposed to go as far as it did.
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It was supposed to help make America more safe and secure.
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But here's the thing about the characters in this story.
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Many of them are unreliable narrators.
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It's not that they're liars, although there is plenty of lying in this story.
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But the way people remember events can be selective.
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And most of the characters in this story wish things had turned out differently.
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Robert Bud McFarlane isn't as well known as some of the other players involved.
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Bud worked behind the scenes, but it's impossible to tell the story of Iran -Contra without bringing him in,
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because Bud is the man who started it all.
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Iran -Contra is the story of two covert operations in two seemingly unrelated countries on opposite sides of the globe, Iran and Nicaragua.
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Two countries, two operations, but one scandal that nearly brought a president to his knees.
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It's a scandal that implicated the highest offices of government.
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It would result in a seven -year investigation
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and three months of nationally televised hearings that asked fundamental questions about the nature of democracy.
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How could a complex, highly involved operation like this happen without congressional oversight?
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Just what did the president know and when?
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Is he accountable or can laws be broken in the name of the greater good?
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That's what we'll be exploring in this five -part series, Iran -Contra.
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This is Episode 1, Bud.
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It's early morning on October 23rd, 1983, in Beirut, Lebanon, three years before
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Bud McFarlane swallows those pills.
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Two Marines stand guard outside the main entrance of the Battalion Landing Team Headquarters, otherwise known as the BLT.
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It's a four -story building on the edge of the tarmac of Beirut's International Airport
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and home to a large force of U .S.
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Marines who are inside the building asleep in their bunks.
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Lebanon is in the midst of a violent civil war, and the Marines have been sent there by President Reagan to help keep the peace.
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It's a dangerous mission, but the barracks are well fortified, surrounded by barbed wire, sandbag barricades, and most importantly, a six -foot -tall steel fence.
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The sergeant -at -arms, along with his sentry, stand at the ready just outside the building's main entrance.
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Looking out into the early morning light, it's quiet.
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Airport traffic doesn't start to pick up until sunrise.
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So when twin beams from what looks like a delivery truck appear in the distance, the sergeant is surprised.
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Hey, are we expecting any deliveries today?
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Not that I know of, sir.
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The truck continues into an asphalt parking lot 200 yards away from the BLT
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and stops and then turns north and begins driving towards the marine compound.
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Slowly at first, but then it picks up speed.
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As it approaches the barbed wire fence on the perimeter, the driver suddenly floors it and the truck barrels through.
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The sergeant quickly grabs his radio as the truck weaves its way through a maze of sandbag bunkers.
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A large truck is bearing down on me.
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Then he turns to this entry.
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Lock and load your weapon.
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Yes, sir.
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On my command.
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The truck picks up speed, heading straight for the entrance.
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Fire.
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The bullets have no effect on the truck's progress as it smashes through the gate
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and into the heart of the building's lobby where it finally skids to a stop.
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2 ,500 pounds of TNT leave behind a smoldering crater 40 feet wide, 30 feet deep, and hundreds of peacekeepers dead.
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It's 2 a .m in Augusta, Georgia.
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Bud McFarland is asleep in a hotel room when he gets the call.
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Marines are dead in Beirut.
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He doesn't know all the details, but he does know this.
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The U .S military is under attack.
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He's only six days into his new job as National Security Advisor to President Reagan
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and on his first trip with the President in this role.
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Bud was a compromise choice for the national security position.
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He's loyal, polite, and efficient, but a threat to no one.
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It's a job he doesn't feel completely prepared for.
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He told several close friends a few days earlier, This job is way beyond me.
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They should have gotten someone better, like Kissinger.
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Now, faced with an actual crisis situation, Bud quickly leaps into action, calling the president and secretary of state George P.
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Schultz, who decide to return to Washington immediately.
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At 8 .37 a .m., President Reagan makes a statement from the South Lawn, expressing grief for the peacekeepers and their families,
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and then assures the public
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they will not allow someone of such a bestial nature to drive the United States out of the region.
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At 9 a .m., Bud and President Reagan enter the Situation Room for an emergency meeting.
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The President's cabinet is waiting.
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Reagan gets right to the point.
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Priority number one, find out who's responsible and smoke them out.
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It doesn't take long for the intelligence to report that Iran is behind the terrorist attack, and Bud knows exactly where the terrorists are.
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The Bekaa Valley, a fertile region about 100 kilometers east of Beirut.
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Bud knows Lebanon well.
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He came to the White House directly from Beirut, where he worked on the ground.
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He knew many of the Marines who were killed by the truck bomb.
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And more importantly, he knew what happened to them could have been prevented if only people hadn't listened.
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For months, he has tried to get the Reagan administration to take a more proactive stance,
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to get the Marines off of the airstrip and turn them loose on terrorists operating in the region.
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But no one listened.
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Many of the cabinet didn't want to get involved.
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Reagan deferred to his team of advisors.
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The result was paralysis, and now 241 dead American servicemen.
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In the past, Bud was on the outside looking in.
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But now he's the National Security Advisor.
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His recommendation to the president is firm.
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Launch an airstrike.
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Take them out.
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But there are other voices in the room.
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Louder voices.
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Two in particular.
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Secretary of State George Shultz and Secretary of Defense Caspar Weinberger.
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The two men couldn't be further apart.
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Shultz with his gray, thinning scalp and light eyes.
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Weinberger with brown hair and dark, piercing eyes.
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But more importantly than their appearance, the two men don't particularly like each other, and they disagree on everything.
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Schultz sides with Budd.
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He believes the U .S should strike back.
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He's a former military man, like Budd, and he isn't afraid to use force.
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But Secretary of Defense Weinberger vehemently disagrees.
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The Vietnam War taught Weinberger the military should only be used as a last resort, and only with a national political consensus.
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His suggestion?
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Get the Marines out of there as soon as possible.
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Bud all but begs the president to take action.
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But Reagan doesn't listen.
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He sides with Weinberger, and within a matter of months, the peacekeeping force is withdrawn.
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When asked by Newsweek what prompted the U .S to pull out of Lebanon, Bud tells them.
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Paralysis.
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In Bud's eyes, the Beirut bombing is a crippling defeat at the hands of terrorists.
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A catastrophe that can never happen again.
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The price is too high.
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Bud is a soldier, and he learned a different lesson from Vietnam during his two tours of active combat duty.
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In the face of a dangerous enemy, there is only one thing to do.
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Fight back.
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So Bud steals himself.
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He resolves to break the political standstill crippling the country.
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But to do that, he'll need the president's trust.
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When Ronald Reagan ran for president, he employed a simple campaign slogan, let's make America great again.
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And it resonated with the American people.
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Reagan beat Jimmy Carter in a landslide.
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Reagan's victory was in no small part due to his foreign policy ideas, ideas authored largely by Bud McFarlane.
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From the very beginning of his tenure as National Security Advisor, Bud knows he's the odd man out.
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Reagan's cabinet is filled with wealthy men like George Shultz and Caspar Weinberger, titans of business who came into their jobs with money,
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fame, and power earned in the private sector.
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But not Bud.
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Bud is a career public servant.
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But Reagan sees something in Bud.
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And Bud is determined to prove the president chose the right man for the job.
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Bud has always dreamed of making a difference in the international realm.
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He served in Korea, Japan, and Vietnam, is a fierce patriot, and wants to serve his country.
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But none of Reagan's advisors are sure he has the abilities
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or the skills to negotiate his way through the strong personalities who surround the president.
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His methods are quiet.
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He listens rather than confronts.
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But over the next few months, Bud earns Reagan's trust.
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He is loyal and knowledgeable with well -thought -out foreign policy ideas.
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And most importantly, Bud is humble.
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He ingratiates himself to the president.
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Soon, he and his wife are invited to private dinners in the White House dining room with the president
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and the first lady.
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As Bud's friendship with the president deepens, Reagan values more and more what
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Bud has to say.
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They have one -on -one meetings three to four times a day.
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He has walk -in privileges in the Oval Office, and Bud begins to proudly sign his memos, Robert McFarland for the president.
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soon it's clear to everyone that bud is reagan's top man
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and a lot of people wonder why maybe it's
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because bud's policy ideas helped put reagan in the white house
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or maybe it's their shared worldview of america as a shining city on a hill their shared conviction
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that terrorism and communism the two greatest threats to democracy must be eliminated or maybe there's a simpler explanation.
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Maybe Reagan just likes Bud McFarlane.
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He's a likable guy.
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Bud's staffers say his working credo is, there is no limit to what a man can accomplish if he doesn't mind who gets the credit.
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But Bud's credo, and his influence over the president, is about to face its first test.
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Bud warned Reagan of the terrorist threat in Lebanon.
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He begged him not to withdraw U .S troops.
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And Reagan should have listened.
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Because just five months after the Beirut bombing, the terrorists in Lebanon strike again.
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It's March, 1984, and the morning sun is rising in Beirut.
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The situation on the ground is bad.
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Lebanon is still a war zone.
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Less than a month ago, the U .S ordered all non -essential staff to leave and return to the United States.
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But William Buckley is not non -essential personnel.
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Buckley is a CIA station chief.
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He stands by the window of his 10th floor apartment, sipping coffee and talking on a secure line.
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Congratulations, Mr. Buckley.
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Well, thank you, sir.
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It took them long enough.
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Better late than never.
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For months, Buckley has been working tirelessly to free American hostages captured by the Iranian -backed terrorist group Hezbollah.
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Getting a plan off the ground has been slow, painstaking work.
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But yesterday, finally, Buckley caught a break.
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It was a good proposal.
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Well done.
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Thank you, sir.
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Now get out there and get to work.
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Yes, sir.
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A rush of excitement floods through his veins.
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Buckley's proposal, the plan for the CIA to work with Israeli special forces on a hostage rescue mission, is a go.
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Shortly after 8 a .m., he leaves his apartment and heads for the American Embassy.
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Buckley is excited to get moving.
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He's anxious to move this plan forward.
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And maybe that's why he ignores protocol.
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Maybe that's why he decides to take his own car, even after the embassy officials have instructed him not to.
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Whatever the reason, on this day, March 16, 1984, Buckley breaks the rules.
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He crosses the street, gets in his car, and fires up the engine.
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As he turns out of the lot, a white Renault pulls in front of him and slams on its brakes.
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Behind him, a second car speeds in and blocks his path.
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A man runs up to his driver's side window.
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Buckley cries out, what the hell is this?
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The man responds by shoving a gun to Buckley's head.
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He forces Buckley into the Renault and floors him.
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Buckley, the CIA station chief who had been sent to Beirut to fight terrorism, is now a terrorist's hostage.
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In March of 1984, the terrorists release a video.
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The tape makes its way from the Middle East to Washington, D .C., where it lands on the desk of CIA director William Casey.
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Casey, with his balding crescent of white hair and oversized glasses, doesn't look like an intelligence mastermind.
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But Casey, the venture capitalist turned CIA director, is a multimillionaire known for his brilliance and strategic vision.
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He knows the terrorists behind this are backed by the leader of Iran, a man with no love for America,
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a country he calls the Great Satan, Ayatollah Khomeini.
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The tape sent to Casey by the terrorists shows Buckley emaciated, beaten and bruised, pleading for his life.
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Casey takes the tape to the White House and plays it for the president, who breaks down in tears.
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Casey nearly does too.
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He feels personally responsible for William Buckley's capture because Casey is the man who sent Buckley to Beirut.
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But at least he's still alive.
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Casey wants his agent back.
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But there's something else looming over Bill Casey in the summer of 1984.
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He's been diagnosed with terminal brain cancer.
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The doctors don't know how much time he has left.
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If Casey wants to save
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Agent Buckley, he will have to move fast.
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Bud McFarlane wants to be like his former boss, Henry Kissinger.
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Bud works side -by -side with the former
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Secretary of State in the Nixon White House.
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From Kissinger, Bud learned firsthand that a national security advisor can make an impact on the global stage.
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Kissinger's overtures to China made him a foreign policy legend.
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And that's exactly what
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Bud wants to do in Iran.
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He wants to reestablish diplomatic relations.
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Bud knows Bill Casey wants those hostages back.
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And diplomacy is a tried and true way to make that happen.
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So Bud takes the idea to Casey and makes his pitch.
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Reengage Iran by opening channels with the anti -Khomeini, anti -terrorist Iranians.
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Casey jumps at the idea, and they create a report on the feasibility of establishing diplomatic relations with Iran.
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But when they deliver the report to Reagan and his cabinet, it's shot down.
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That's in large part because Reagan listens to the advice of Secretary of State George Schultz and Secretary of Defense Caspar Weinberger.
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In a rare moment of unity, Schultz and Weinberger reject Bud's idea.
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But just because they agree on what not to do,
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doesn't mean that they can find common ground on how to deal with a growing problem in the Middle East.
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Once again, nothing is getting done.
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Once again, paralysis analysis.
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Schultz and Weinberger have been fighting it out ever since the Beirut bombing.
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And now, in the wake of Buckley's kidnapping, the debates over Lebanon have reached a fever pitch.
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In late 1984, an unnamed source at the White House tells the New York Times the clash between Schultz
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and Weinberger and the inability to go anywhere to get disputes settled produced paralysis.
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Though there's no proof, it's not hard to imagine that the source is Bud McFarlane.
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Schultz is in charge of diplomacy.
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Weinberger is in charge of the military.
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But Bud is in charge of national security.
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And to keep America safe, he needs Schultz and Weinberger to get on the same page.
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Bud believes diplomacy must be backed by military strength.
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And if diplomacy he breaks down, Americans will not be safe.
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Bud and Casey invite Schultz and Weinberger to a weekly breakfast meeting.
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The two foes begrudgingly accept.
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The foursome, which
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Bud ironically names the family group, meets once a week in the Pentagon dining room, or sometimes in a restaurant or cafe in Foggy Bottom,
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a neighborhood just north of the Washington Mall.
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Bud brings a well -prepared, clearly laid -out foreign policy agenda to every meeting, which they discuss over the meal.
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But over the course of the next couple months, these discussions often turn into just arguments.
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And not always arguments over foreign policy.
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Sometimes, Schultz and Weinberger even bicker about the breakfast menu.
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Meanwhile, the situation in Lebanon escalates.
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And then, a year after William Buckley is captured, six more Americans are kidnapped by terrorists.
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Schultz and Weinberger, like
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Bud and Casey, and like all of the men in Reagan's cabinet, agree on the end goal.
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They want the hostages home.
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They just disagree on the best way to get there.
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But when Reagan's advisors find themselves at cross -purposes, they tend to eat their own.
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And in February of 1985, Bud McFarlane is about to learn the hard way
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that no one has a bigger appetite than the president's new chief of staff, Don Regan.
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It's early morning in February 1985.
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Bud opens the door to his office.
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He sets his briefcase down on his desk.
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But before he even has a chance to grab a cup of coffee, it's the hotline to Don Regan's office, the president's new chief of staff.
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Don?
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Get up here, right now.
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It's whispered in Washington that
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Don Regan thinks hail to the chief refers to the chief of staff.
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Don's called brash, imperious, and obsessed with preserving the image of his own power.
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And it's an image he crafts with delicate precision.
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Bud sees it every day in his top -of -the -line tailor -made suits and his neatly groomed, slick -back hair.
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Bud's heard all the rumors, and he knows why Don's upset.
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Last night, there was an incident in East Germany.
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A U .S.
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Army major was killed on a routine inspection mission in the Soviet zone.
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Bud didn't notify Don.
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Bud's barely made it through the door to Don's office when the tirade begins.
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God, this is outrageous.
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I don't have to learn what's going on from the news, and I'm not going to put up with this.
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You're right, Don.
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I am sorry.
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I take full responsibility for it.
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Better be sorry.
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I'm not going to take this kind of insubordination.
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Insubordination.
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Strange choice of word from a man who is not
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Bud's superior, but Bud shakes it off and tries again.
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Don, like I said, I'm sorry.
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It won't happen again.
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Bud turns to leave, but Don won't let it go.
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You don't seem to realize you work for me around here.
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This stops Bud in his tracks.
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He turns back to Don and stares him down.
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No, I don't.
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I work for the president, like hell you do.
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You work for me.
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Get that straight in your head or you'll be out of here.
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Don, you're right.
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I'll be gone by the end of the day.
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And with that, Bud turns to walk away, closing the door behind him.
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Hey, come back here.
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I'm not finished with you.
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Bud walks back down to his office to get ready for the first meeting of the day, when the hotline rings again.
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Bud, all right.
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Let's handle this like grown -ups.
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I shouldn't have gotten upset.
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Don, if that's an apology, I accept.
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But you need to understand, I will do my best to keep you informed and to send items through you to the president.
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But there are times where that's just not possible.
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Bud can almost hear
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Don fuming on the other end of the line.
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Understood.
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Things between Bud and Don are off to a rocky start.
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But Budd has bigger issues to deal with than a new chief of staff trying to establish a pecking order.
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Budd hasn't given up on his plan to re -establish diplomatic ties with Iran.
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What he doesn't know is that in a few months' time, an offer will make its way to his desk,
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a deal that might very well change the course of history and turn the Reagan administration upside down.
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On August 3rd, 1985, President Reagan summons Budd to the Oval Office.
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For the past few weeks, Reagan has been mulling over a very important deal that might help Reagan achieve one of his top priorities,
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getting the U .S hostages back safely.
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Reagan asked Bud to walk him through it one more time, so Bud goes over the details again.
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In July of 1985, the Israeli foreign minister reached out to Bud through an intermediary with an offer.
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The Israelis have been in touch with a group of moderate, anti -Khomeini Iranians who share a common goal with the U .S and Israel,
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a stable Middle East, and an Iran -friendly to the West.
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As a show of good faith, these Iranians have promised to secure the release of all seven U .S hostages.
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But in return, the Iranians want a show of good faith as well.
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They want weapons.
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To keep America's hands clean, Israel will act as the middleman.
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They will sell the Iranians' missiles, which they previously purchased from the U .S.
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The U .S will then replenish Israel's supply.
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There's nothing illegal with the U .S giving weapons to its ally Israel, But Reagan and Bud both know that's not exactly true.
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Their intent is to get the weapons to Iran in exchange for the release of captured Americans.
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Trading arms for hostages is a violation of Reagan's own stated position on terror.
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The U .S does not negotiate with terrorists.
394
Not to mention, it could get both of them in a whole lot of trouble.
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The Iranian arms deal, as it will come to be called, ventures onto some shaky legal ground.
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Reagan is torn.
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On the one hand, he wants the hostages back safe and sound.
398
On the other, he's vowed to never negotiate with terrorists.
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But America isn't exactly negotiating with terrorists.
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Israel is.
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Reagan stares at the carpet for a moment before looking up at Bud.
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I want to go ahead with it.
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I think it's the right thing to do.
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Bud nods.
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At last, some forward movement.
406
The Arms for Hostages deal is officially a go.
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Bud gets right to work.
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Later that same afternoon, on a secure conference call, he notifies Reagan's cabinet.
409
CIA Director Bill Casey is enthusiastic in his support.
410
But not everyone shares Casey's excitement over the deal.
411
Schultz and Weinberger again find themselves on the same side.
412
They adamantly oppose
413
Arms for Hostages.
414
But neither will stand in Bud's way.
415
They can't, because Bud has
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President Reagan's authorization.
417
When Bud calls Reagan's chief of staff to tell him of the developments, there's no doubt
418
Don Regan is fuming on the other end of the line.
419
Not because of arms for hostages.
420
Don supports that deal, or at the very least, he tolerates it.
421
What Don doesn't tolerate is insubordination.
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Bud is already on thin ice with Don Regan.
423
And with the Iran deal already in motion, it's clear Bud has gone over Don's head again.
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In August 1985, a story appears in Parade magazine.
425
A story that insinuates
426
Bud McFarlane is cheating on his wife.
427
Bud doesn't flinch under the scrutiny.
428
He knows it's not true.
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He also knows exactly where it came from.
430
And he decides to confront
431
Don Regan head on.
432
He invites him to lunch at a little cafe near the Biltmore Hotel.
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When Don sits down across from him, Bud cuts to the chase.
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He asks if he's the one behind the leaks.
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Don flatly denies it.
436
He says neither he nor any of his staff have anything to do with the story.
437
But the rumors about Bud don't go away.
438
Stories continue to appear in print again and again.
439
Whether Don is behind the story or not, Bud knows Don wants him out of the picture.
440
Bud also knows he's not going anywhere.
441
He's survived the Viet Cong he can outlast Don Regan.
442
But there's another problem coming down the pike.
443
A problem Bud doesn't see coming.
444
One involving CIA director Bill Casey.
445
Casey is a secretive man.
446
In August of 1985, he still hasn't told his colleagues about his cancer diagnosis.
447
Maybe he doesn't want anyone to make a fuss or question his judgment.
448
But Casey has another secret.
449
A secret he does not share with Bud, the president, or anyone else,
450
a secret Bud is going to wish he had known about before he put everything in motion.
451
On August 3rd, 1985, right after his conference with the cabinet, Bud notifies his contact in Israel.
452
The deal is on, approved by the president.
453
He instructs his Israeli contact to send word to his contact in Iran, a man by the name of Manikr Gorbanifar,
454
a shadowy figure with a round, puffy face and inscrutable dark brown eyes.
455
Gorbanifar is an Iranian arms dealer and a former agent of the Iranian Secret Service.
456
By the time Reagan has authorized the Iranian arms deal in August 85, Gorbanifar has a well -documented reputation for being untrustworthy.
457
But Bud doesn't know that.
458
And neither does President Reagan.
459
One person definitely does, though.
460
Or at least he should have known.
461
CIA Director Bill Casey.
462
In July 1984, just over one year before the Arms for Hostages deal began, the CIA issued a burn notice for Gorbanifar.
463
That's intelligent speak for being blacklisted.
464
The CIA concluded that Gorbanifar was only interested in one thing, lining his pockets.
465
As the director of the CIA, Casey should have known that his own agency doesn't trust Gubonifar.
466
And if he does know, he doesn't tell anyone.
467
Not President Reagan, not Bud McFarland.
468
So Bud charges forward with the deal.
469
Bud taps his right -hand man in the National Security Council, Lieutenant Colonel Oliver North, to manage the operation.
470
In a matter of weeks, it's up and running.
471
On August 30, 1985, Israel makes the first shipment of 96 missiles to Iran.
472
One hostage is set to be released in exchange.
473
Budd had asked for CIA Station Chief William Buckley to be the first.
474
But at the last minute, the Iranians claimed Buckley's condition was so bad, transporting him was impossible.
475
So they release another hostage instead.
476
When the news reaches Washington, Casey is furious.
477
And now Budd is deeply concerned.
478
The U .S.
479
government asked for Buckley, and the Iranians agreed.
480
But now they were changing the deal.
481
But no one presses pause.
482
On September 15th, the Israelis make a second shipment.
483
The very next day, Bud gets more concerning news from Lieutenant Colonel North.
484
The Israelis were supposed to deliver 100 missiles.
485
Instead, they sent 408.
486
When Bud asked
487
North why the Israelis sent more than was agreed on, North's answer is concerning.
488
Iran's price went up.
489
At the national security briefing on September 16th, Budd privately expresses concerns to President Reagan.
490
Budd tells the president that the fact that the Iranians keep changing the deal is a bad sign.
491
He thinks they're being extorted.
492
But Reagan's position doesn't change.
493
One hostage was released.
494
There are six more to go.
495
The deal is still worth pursuing.
496
And so in November of 1985, 500 Hawk missiles are set make their way from Israel to Iran.
497
It's supposed to be a simple operation.
498
Like the last two deliveries, the Israelis will package the weapons in wooden crates, load them up on cargo planes,
499
and make the seven -hour flight from Israel to Lisbon, Portugal.
500
Once the Israeli plans are approved by custom officials on the ground there, the planes will take off and fly 5 ,000 miles to Tehran,
501
where Gorbanifar and the Iranians will be waiting to receive the shipment.
502
But the operation does not go as planned.
503
Instead, it's a complete and total disaster.
504
Custom officials in Lisbon unexpectedly refuse to let the Israelis land.
505
So the planes turn back and fly home to Tel Aviv.
506
The Israeli foreign minister calls
507
Bud in a panic.
508
The lives of hostages are at stake.
509
If the Iranians suspect foul play, they might do them harm, maybe even kill them.
510
Bud turns to Oliver North for help.
511
North enlists the help of the CIA to help Israel deliver the 500 weapons.
512
But something there goes wrong, too.
513
When the Iranians open the crates, there are only 18 missiles inside.
514
And each of them carries the Star of David etched on the casing.
515
In addition, they wanted anti -aircraft missiles.
516
But these missiles aren't what they requested.
517
The Iranians are convinced Israel did it on purpose.
518
To them, it's an act of sabotage and insult.
519
There's also the matter of Manikur Gorbanifar.
520
While the Hawk shipment went sideways, the money traded hands from Iran to Israel before the shipment took place.
521
Gorbanifar is the middleman, which means even though the 500 weapons were never delivered, Gorbanifar still took his commission to the tune of $1 million.
522
When word of the botched arms delivery reaches the higher -ups at the CIA, Director Bill Casey is in a tough spot.
523
Technically, he needed written approval by the president to authorize a covert operation.
524
That didn't happen.
525
And that technical detail is what will elevate the Iranian side of this scandal from the improper to the potentially impeachable.
526
For a covert operation to take place, two things have to happen.
527
One, the president is required to sign a finding, a confidential directive authorizing the covert op.
528
As in, the president finds a covert action to be in the interests of national security.
529
Two, the finding is supposed to be delivered to Congress.
530
They don't have to approve it, but they have to be told about it.
531
Before the November 1985
532
Hawk mission, Reagan didn't sign a finding.
533
And he didn't notify Congress.
534
And when the CIA got involved, Casey didn't request one.
535
No one did.
536
What Reagan did do is verbally approve the transaction.
537
But without a signed piece of paper, everyone could end up in hot water with possible investigations into the White House and into the CIA,
538
or worse, possible articles of impeachment.
539
Under pressure from his CIA colleagues, Casey goes to Reagan to obtain a retroactive finding.
540
A retroactive finding isn't, strictly speaking, even a thing.
541
But it's something, and it might give the CIA and the president legal cover.
542
So Reagan signs the finding, but it never makes its way to Congress.
543
After this arms shipment disaster, the Iranians are furious.
544
They feel they've been duped by Israel.
545
But the biggest worry on the minds of Reagan and his cabinet are the six remaining hostages.
546
If Iran's anger shifts from Israel to the United States, the consequences for the hostages could be lethal.
547
In late November 1985, Bud is despondent, and he's embarrassed.
548
He had hoped that making inroads to Iran would place him in the company of men like Kissinger.
549
He wanted Posteri to see him as a strategic thinker with a grand geopolitical vision, the man who brought stability to the Middle East.
550
But in the aftermath of the failed
551
Hawk missile shipment, Bud's dreams of grandeur are beginning to fade.
552
In their place, the nagging suspicion that he's been played for a fool.
553
On November 24th, the president gathers his cabinet at the White House for an emergency meeting about the failed
554
Hawk missile shipment.
555
The question on the table, kill the Iran deal or press on?
556
President Reagan is torn.
557
The Iran arms deal goes against his own policy on terrorism.
558
It also violates the Arms Embargo Act and enters into some seriously murky legal waters.
559
But on the other hand, American lives are at stake.
560
There are still six hostages wasting away in Iran.
561
Besides, Israel botched the delivery, not the U .S.
562
If Reagan wants to mend the bridge with Iran and continue the deal, there is still a chance the Iranians might be game.
563
Bill Casey agrees.
564
The risk is high, but in his mind, it's worth the reward.
565
But Bill Casey is in the minority.
566
Bud, the man who set the Iran deal in motion, has had enough.
567
He wanted to make headway with Iran.
568
But Gorbanifar and his cronies are not who they said they are.
569
They're not to be trusted.
570
Bud does not mince words.
571
The deal is not working.
572
Time to call it off.
573
And Schultz and Weinberger side with Bud this time.
574
The arms deal is dubious at best, and at worst, potential grounds for impeachment.
575
Reagan knows he's flirting with a legal gray area, but his concern for the captive men wins out.
576
He says, I can answer to the charges of illegality, but not to the charge that big,
577
strong President Reagan passed up a chance to free hostages.
578
But Weinberger won't back down.
579
He presses the issue.
580
This deal is illegal, period.
581
In a tense moment, Reagan uses some of his famous charm to lighten the mood.
582
He quips, if he goes to jail, visiting hours are on Thursdays.
583
But nobody laughs.
584
Weinberger's reply is foreboding.
585
Oh, you won't be alone.
586
At the end of the meeting, Reagan begrudgingly defers to his cabinet, and a consensus is reached.
587
Until we have a better idea of who we are dealing with, no more arms sales.
588
No more talks with the Iranians.
589
The Iran operation is officially dead.
590
But there's still the issue of the hostages.
591
Everyone agrees the U .S will have to find another way to get them back.
592
In the meantime, someone needs to meet with Gorbanifar to politely call off the deal.
593
The last thing Reagan wants is the Iranians to turn on the U .S and cause harm to the hostages.
594
Reagan asks Bud if he'll handle it.
595
Bud, the good soldier, says yes, sir.
596
Then he gets on a plane and flies to London to meet with the Iranians face to face.
597
It's early December, 1985, inside a dark apartment in an old
598
Victorian building in London's West End.
599
Bud McFarlane sits at a table in front of a shelf of dusty books.
600
Standing behind Bud is a gaggle of U .S.
601
officials, including Lieutenant Colonel Oliver North.
602
On the opposite side of the table is Manager Gorbanifar.
603
The mood in the room is tense.
604
Bud breaks the silence and leads off the meeting.
605
Mr. Gorbanifar, I am here as a representative of the United States with specific instructions.
606
The U .S entered into this deal with the hope
607
that your associates wanted to open up a diplomatic channel with the U .S.
608
We held up our end of the deal.
609
When your people are ready to talk about real change, we'd be glad to continue the conversation.
610
Gorbanifar says nothing.
611
Instead, he stares.
612
His dark eyes cutting through Bud.
613
So Bud presses on.
614
Mr. Gorbanifar, whenever your colleagues are ready for this, they should say so.
615
Until then, we have no interest in continuing this deal.
616
Gorbanifar continues to stare as his face slowly turns a bright red, and then he blows his tongue.
617
You're idiots.
618
The U .S has no right to make a mess of things and walk away.
619
The people I'm dealing with are not to be crossed.
620
Gorbanifar leans in close to make sure
621
Bud gets the message.
622
They need arms to fight the Iraqis, and if they don't get them, there will be hell to pay.
623
I don't like being threatened, Mr. Garbanafar.
624
I'm not the threat.
625
If I take this news back to my colleagues, they'll go mad.
626
They'll say, to hell with the hostages.
627
Let Hezbollah kill them.
628
Bud stands and heads for the door.
629
I'm sorry.
630
We don't have anything else to talk about.
631
If your position changes, let me know.
632
And with that, Bud officially closes the door on the arms for hostages deal.
633
Right after the sit -down with Gourbanifar, in the streets just outside, Oliver North tries to get
634
Bud to reconsider.
635
North admits Gourbanifar is a shady character.
636
But he also reminds
637
Bud if the goal is really to establish diplomatic relations with Iran, Gourbanifar might be the only path forward.
638
Bud quickly puts
639
North in his place.
640
Gourbanifar is not to be trusted.
641
He's proven all he wants, are weapons and money.
642
Besides, the president has already made his decision.
643
The deal is dead.
644
But in reality, the Iran arms deal has plenty of life left.
645
Because back in Washington, President Reagan is beginning to waver.
646
Ronald Reagan's favorite joke is the one about the little boy who asks
647
Santa for a pony.
648
When Christmas morning finally comes, All he gets is a pile of manure.
649
The boy's response?
650
There must be a pony in here somewhere.
651
When Bud returns to Washington after his London trip, he meets with the president and his cabinet in the Oval Office.
652
Bud tells the president, shut down the Iran initiative, Mr. President.
653
Shut it down once and for all.
654
If there's a way to get the hostages back, this is not it.
655
And again, the cabinet comes to Bud's defense.
656
Even Bud's nemesis, Don Regan, agrees with him this time.
657
He says, I think we should listen to Bud.
658
But Reagan does not listen.
659
Reagan is still looking for the pony in the pile of manure.
660
That's in no small part because Bill Casey is there to convince him to keep going.
661
Casey agrees it's risky business.
662
But, he tells the president, most things worth doing are.
663
Weinberger makes the same case he's made before.
664
It's illegal.
665
End of story.
666
Schultz backs him up.
667
But Reagan doesn't show his cards.
668
His last words in the meeting are hard to read.
669
Well, okay.
670
Weinberger is confident Reagan will back off.
671
So confident that later that day, he writes in his notes that the baby has been strangled in his crib.
672
But Weinberger is wrong.
673
Reagan may not have said it directly in the meeting, but he has no intention of walking away from the Iran deal.
674
And Bud knows it, deep down.
675
He knows Reagan is a sentimental man, a big -hearted, emotional man and Bud knows the president will never give up on the hostages.
676
Bud has tried everything.
677
Now there's only one thing left to do.
678
In late 1985, there are rumors in the press that
679
Bud's departure from the National Security Council is imminent.
680
But the press wrongly assumes
681
Don Regan is the root cause.
682
Don is a symptom, but not the disease.
683
For Bud, in the end, it comes down to a feeling
684
that even though he understands foreign policy better than most of the other members of the cabinet,
685
President Reagan is not listening to what he has to say.
686
Bud will later tell the New York Times he could have done more.
687
He could have gone into the Oval Office as many times as it took to convince Reagan to stop the Iran operation.
688
He could have gone to the press.
689
He could have leaked the story or written an anonymous op -ed.
690
But Bud didn't do any of that.
691
Instead, he did what he felt was his duty the duty
692
of a public servant who disagrees with the action of a president.
693
As 1985 winds to a close, Bud resigns.
694
I have a statement I wish to read to you.
695
It's with deep regret and reluctance that I have accepted the resignation of Bud McFarlane as my assistant for national security affairs.
696
Let me say that I shall never forget the sacrifices
697
that you and your family have made in the service of your country.
698
But before you get too comfortable,
699
I should warn you that I'll probably be calling on you from time to time for your wise counsel and advice.
700
In Bud's absence, the arms for hostages deal evolves.
701
Thank you.
702
Thank you.
703
Thank you.
704
Thank you very much.
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Vocabolario e note di pronuncia per questa lezione
Questa lezione di conversazione si basa sul video “Iran Contra: Bud |American Scandal”. Le parole che ritornano più spesso: bud, reagan, Iran, Casey. Questo video contiene 704 frasi e 7279 parole da ripetere con lo shadowing. Il parlato dura 46:42. Chi parla ha un ritmo naturale di circa 156 parole al minuto, vicino a una conversazione quotidiana. Solo il 77% delle parole rientra nelle 3.000 più comuni dell’inglese, quindi il lessico è impegnativo.
Vocaboli chiave di questo video
15 parole del video che vale la pena imparare, con pronuncia e significato:
| Parola | Pronuncia | Significato |
|---|---|---|
| hostage sostantivo | /ˈhɑs.tɪd͡ʒ/ | ostaggio |
| terrorist sostantivo | /ˈtɛɹəɹɪst/ | terrorista |
| advisor sostantivo | /ædˈvaɪ.zə(ɹ)/ | consigliere, consigliera |
| scandal sostantivo | /ˈskændəl/ | scandalo |
| missile sostantivo | /ˈmɪs.aɪl/ | missile |
| shipment sostantivo | /ˈʃɪpmənt/ | carico |
| diplomatic aggettivo | /ˌdɪpləˈmætɪk/ | diplomatico |
| desk sostantivo | /dɛsk/ | scrivania |
| capture verbo | /ˈkæp.(t)ʃɚ/ | catturare, riprendere |
| disagree verbo | /dɪsəˈɡɹi/ | non concordare, non combaciare |
| colleague sostantivo | /ˈkɒliːɡ/ | collega |
| notify verbo | /ˈnoʊtɪfaɪ/ | notificare |
| diplomacy sostantivo | /dɪˈpləʊməsi/ | diplomazia |
| establish verbo | /ɪˈstæb.lɪʃ/ | stabilire, confermare |
| entrance sostantivo | /ˈɛn.tɹəns/ | entrata |
I phrasal verb che sentirai
| Parola | Pronuncia | Significato |
|---|---|---|
| pick up verbo | tirare su, sollevare | |
| back down verbo | cedere | |
| come back verbo | tornare | |
| fight back verbo | /faɪt bæk/ | difendersi, contrastare |
| find out verbo | scoprire | |
| get up verbo | alzarsi | |
| go away verbo | partire, andarsene | |
| hold up verbo | ritardare, rallentare |
Frasi da ripetere
Frasi brevi e complete del video che puoi riutilizzare nella conversazione di tutti i giorni:
- Hey, are we expecting any deliveries today?
- I'm not going to take this kind of insubordination.
- Don, like I said, I'm sorry.
- I'll be gone by the end of the day.
- I'm not finished with you.
La grammatica di questo video
Le strutture che chi parla usa di più, con le parole esatte del video:
| Struttura | Nel video |
|---|---|
| Present perfect continuous have/has been + -ing — un’azione iniziata prima e ancora in corso | has been working · have been fighting · has been mulling |
| Frasi condizionali if + frase, will/would + verbo — una condizione e il suo risultato | if diplomacy he breaks down, Americans will not · if they don't get them, there will be |
| Present perfect have/has + participio passato — un’azione passata che conta ancora adesso | has already gone · he's been mired · hasn't been |
| Forma passiva be + participio passato — conta ciò che accade, non chi lo fa | is locked · been mired · is known |
Pronuncia a cui fare attenzione
Chi parla usa 80 contrazioni e forme ridotte, come doesn't, don't, didn't. Pronunciale nella forma breve, così come le senti.
- I suoni “th”: thin /ˈθɪn/, threaten /ˈθɹɛt.n̩/
- I suoni “sh” e “zh”: shipment /ˈʃɪpmənt/, capture /ˈkæp.(t)ʃɚ/, establish /ɪˈstæb.lɪʃ/, negotiate /nəˈɡəʊ.ʃi.eɪt/, potentially /pəˈtɛnʃ(ə)li/
- Parole lunghe — attenzione all’accento: diplomatic /ˌdɪpləˈmætɪk/, importantly /ɪmˈpɔɹ.tənt.li/, diplomacy /dɪˈpləʊməsi/, terrorism /ˈtɛɹəɹɪzəm/, negotiate /nəˈɡəʊ.ʃi.eɪt/
I suoni difficili per chi parla italiano:
- /h/ — va soffiata, non è muta: hostage /ˈhɑs.tɪd͡ʒ/, harm /hɑːm/
- Consonante finale — senza aggiungere una vocale dopo: hostage /ˈhɑs.tɪd͡ʒ/, terrorist /ˈtɛɹəɹɪst/, shipment /ˈʃɪpmənt/, diplomatic /ˌdɪpləˈmætɪk/, covert /ˈkoʊvɚt/
- /æ/ — più aperta della “e”: advisor /ædˈvaɪ.zə(ɹ)/, scandal /ˈskændəl/, diplomatic /ˌdɪpləˈmætɪk/, capture /ˈkæp.(t)ʃɚ/, establish /ɪˈstæb.lɪʃ/
Come esercitarsi con questo video
- Ascolta tutto il video una volta senza parlare e annota le parole che non conosci.
- Inizia a velocità 0,75×, fai shadowing frase per frase e torna alla velocità normale quando diventa facile.
- Registrati e confronta con l’originale, facendo attenzione a parole come hostage, terrorist, advisor.
Cos'è la tecnica dello Shadowing?
Shadowing è una tecnica di apprendimento delle lingue supportata da studi scientifici, originariamente sviluppata per la formazione dei traduttori professionisti e resa popolare dal poliglotta Dr. Alexander Arguelles. Il metodo è semplice ma potente: ascolti un audio in inglese di madrelingua e lo ripeti immediatamente ad alta voce — come un'ombra che segue il parlante con un ritardo di solo 1–2 secondi. A differenza dell'ascolto passivo o degli esercizi di grammatica, lo shadowing costringe il tuo cervello e i muscoli della bocca a elaborare e riprodurre simultaneamente i modelli di discorso reale. La ricerca dimostra che migliora significativamente la precisione della pronuncia, l'intonazione, il ritmo, il discorso connesso, la comprensione dell'ascolto e la fluidità del parlato — rendendolo uno dei metodi più efficaci per la preparazione alla prova di speaking dell'IELTS e per la comunicazione reale in inglese.