Prática de Shadowing: 1984 DNC Tale of Two Cities Speech (Full) - Aprenda a falar inglês com vídeo
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Thank you very much.
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On behalf of the great
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Empire State and the whole family of New York, let me thank you for the great privilege of being able to address this convention.
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Please allow me to skip the stories and the poetry and the temptation to deal in nice but vague rhetoric.
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Let me instead use this valuable opportunity to deal immediately with the questions
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that should determine this election and that we all know are vital to the American people.
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Ten days ago, President Reagan admitted that although some people in this country seem to be doing well nowadays,
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others were unhappy, even worried about themselves, their families, and their futures.
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The President said that he didn't understand that fear.
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He said, why this country is a shining city on a hill.
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And the President is right.
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In many ways we are a shining city on a hill.
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But the hard truth is that not everyone is sharing in this city's splendor and glory.
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A shining city is perhaps all the President sees from the portico of the White House
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and veranda of his ranch where everyone seems to be doing well. But there's another city.
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There's another part to the shining city.
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The part where some people can't pay their mortgages and most young people can't afford one.
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Where students can't afford the education they need and middle -class parents watch the dreams they hold for their children evaporate.
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In this part of the city there are more
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More poor than ever.
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More families in trouble.
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More and more people who need help but can't find it.
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Even worse, there are elderly people who tremble in the basements of the houses there.
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And there are people who sleep in the city streets in the gutter where the glitter doesn't show.
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There are ghettos where thousands of young people without a job
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or an education give their lives away to drug dealers every day.
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There is despair, Mr. President, in the faces that you don't see,
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in the places that you don't visit in your shining city.
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In fact, Mr. President, this is a nation.
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Mr.
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President, you ought to know
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that this nation is more a tale of two cities than it is just a shining city on a hill.
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Maybe, maybe Mr. President, if you visited some more places, maybe if you went to Appalachia where some people still live in sheds,
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maybe if you went to Lackawanna where thousands of unemployed steel workers wonder why we subsidized foreign steel.
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Maybe, Mr. President, if you stopped in at a shelter in Chicago and spoke to the homeless there,
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maybe, Mr. President, if you asked a woman who had been denied the help she needed to feed her children
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because you said you needed the money for a tax break for a millionaire
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or for a missile we couldn't afford to use.
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Maybe, maybe Mr. President, but I'm afraid not, because the truth is, ladies and gentlemen,
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that this is how we were warned it would be.
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President Reagan told us from the very beginning that he believed in a kind of social Darwinism, survival of the fittest.
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Government can't do everything, we were told,
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so it should settle for taking care of the strong and hope that economic ambition and charity will do the rest.
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Make the rich richer, and what falls from the table will be enough for the middle class
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and those who are trying desperately to work their way into the middle class.
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You know, the Republicans called it trickle -down when Hoover tried it.
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Now they call it supply -side, but it's the same shining city for those relative few who are lucky enough to live in its good neighborhoods,
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but for the people who are excluded, for the people who are locked out,
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all they can do is stare from a distance at that city's glimmering towers.
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It's an old story.
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It's as old as our history.
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The difference between
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Democrats and Republicans has always been measured in courage and confidence.
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The Republicans...
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The Republicans believe that the wagon train will not make it to the frontier unless some of the old,
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some of the young, some of the weak are left behind by the side of the trail.
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The strong, the strong they tell us will inherit the land.
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We Democrats believe in something else.
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We Democrats believe that we can make it all the way with the whole family intact, and we have more than once.
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Ever since Franklin Roosevelt lifted himself from his wheelchair to lift this nation from its knees,
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wagon train after wagon train to new frontiers of education,
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housing, peace, the whole family aboard constantly reaching out to extend and enlarge that family, lifting them up into the wagon on the way,
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blacks and Hispanics and people of every ethnic group and Native Americans, all those struggling to build their families
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and claim some small share of America for nearly 50 years we carry them all to new levels of comfort
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and security and dignity even affluence
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and remember this some of us in this room today are here only
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because this nation had that kind of confidence and it would be wrong to forget that
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So, here we are at this convention to remind ourselves where we come from
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and to claim the future for ourselves and for our children.
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Today our great
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Democratic Party, which has saved this nation from depression, from fascism, from racism, from corruption,
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is called upon to do it again this time to save the nation from confusion
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and division from the threat of eventual fiscal disaster and most of all from the fear of a nuclear holocaust.
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That's not going to be easy.
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Mo Udall is exactly right, it won't be easy and in order to succeed we must answer our opponents polished
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and appealing rhetoric with a more telling reasonableness
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and rationality we must win this case on the merits
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we must get the American public to look past the glitter beyond the showmanship to the reality,
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the hard substance of things and we'll do it not
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so much with speeches that sound good as with speeches that are good and sound,
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not so much with speeches that will bring people to their feet as with speeches that will bring people to their senses.
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We must make the American people hear our tale of two cities.
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We must convince them that we don't have to settle for two cities, that we can have one city,
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indivisible, shining for all of its people.
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Now, we will have no chance to do that if what comes out of this convention is a babble of arguing voices.
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If that's what's heard throughout the campaign, dissonant sounds from all sides.
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we will have no chance to tell our message.
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To succeed, we will have to surrender some small parts of our individual interests to build a platform
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that we can all stand on at once and comfortably, proudly singing out.
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We need a platform we can all agree to so
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that we can sing out the truth for the nation to hear in chorus.
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It's logic so clear and commanding that no slick Madison Avenue commercial,
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no amount of geniality, no martial music will be able to muffle the sound of the truth.
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And we Democrats must unite.
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We Democrats must unite so that the entire nation can unite because surely the Republicans won't bring this country together.
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Their policies divide the nation into the lucky and the left out, into the royalty and the rabble.
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The Republicans are willing to treat that division as victory.
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They would cut this nation in half into those temporarily better off and those worse off than before.
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And they would call that division recovery.
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Now.
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We should not be embarrassed or dismayed or chagrined if the process of unifying is difficult,
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even wrenching at times.
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Remember that unlike any other party, we embrace men and women of every color,
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every creed, every orientation, every economic class.
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In our family are gathered everyone from the abject poor of
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Essex County in New York to the enlightened affluent of the Gold Coast at both ends of the nation.
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And in between is the heart of our constituency,
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the middle class, the people not rich enough to be worry -free but not poor enough to be on welfare
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the middle class those people who work for a living
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because they have to not
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because some psychiatrist told them it was a convenient way to fill the interval between birth and eternity
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white -collar and blue -collar young professionals men
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and women in small business desperate for the capital and contracts
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that they need to prove their worth
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we speak for the minorities who have not yet entered the mainstream
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we speak for ethnics who want to add their culture to the magnificent mosaic that is America we speak
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We speak for women who are indignant that this nation refuses to etch into its governmental commandments the simple rule,
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thou shalt not sin against equality.
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A rule so simple.
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Thank you.
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I was going to say, and I perhaps dare not, but I will.
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It's a commandment so simple it can be spelled in three letters.
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E. R.
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A. We speak for young people demanding an education and a future.
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We speak for senior citizens who are terrorized by the idea that their only security,
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their Social Security is being threatened.
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We speak for millions of reasoning people fighting to preserve our environment from greed and from stupidity.
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And we speak for reasonable people who are fighting to preserve our very existence from a macho intransigence
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that refuses to make intelligent attempts to discuss the possibility of nuclear holocaust with our enemies.
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They refuse.
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They refuse because they believe we can pile missiles so high
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that they will pierce the clouds and the sight of them will frighten our enemies into submission.
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Now we're proud of this diversity as Democrats.
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We're grateful for it.
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We don't have to manufacture
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it the way the Republicans will next month in Dallas by propping up mannequin delegates on the convention floor.
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But we, while we're proud of this diversity, we pay a price for it.
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The different people that we represent have different points of view, and sometimes they compete and even debate and even argue.
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That's what our primaries were all about.
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But now the primaries are over and it is time
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when we pick our candidates and our Platform here to lock arms and move into this campaign together
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If you need any more inspiration to put some small part of your own difference aside to create this consensus,
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then all you need to do is to reflect on what the Republican policy of divide
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and cajole has done to this land since 1980.
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Now the president has asked the American people to judge him on whether
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or not he's fulfilled the promises he made four years ago.
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I believe as Democrats we ought to accept that challenge
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and just for a moment let us consider what he has said and what he's done.
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Inflation is down since 1980, but not because of the supply side miracle promised to us by the president.
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Inflation was reduced the old fashioned way with a recession, the worst since 1932.
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Now how did we...
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We could have brought inflation down that way.
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How did he do it?
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55 ,000 bankruptcies two years of massive unemployment two hundred thousand farmers
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and ranches forced off the land more homeless more homeless than
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at any time since the Great Depression in 1932 more hungry
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in this world of enormous affluence the United States of America more hungry more poor most of them women and and he
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We paid one other thing, a nearly $200 billion deficit threatening our future.
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Now we must make the American people understand this deficit because they don't.
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The president's deficit is a direct and dramatic repudiation of his promise in 1980 to balance the budget by 1983.
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How large is it?
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The deficit is the largest in the history of the universe.
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President Carter's last budget had a deficit less than one -third of this deficit.
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It is a deficit that, according to the president's own fiscal advisor,
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may grow to as much as $300 billion a year for as far as the eye can see.
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And ladies and gentlemen, it is a debt so large
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that almost one half of the money we collect from the personal income tax each year goes just to pay the interest.
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It is a mortgage on our children's future that can be paid only in pain,
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and that could bring this nation to its knees.
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Now don't take my word for it.
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I'm a Democrat.
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Ask the Republican investment bankers on Wall Street.
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what they think the chances of this recovery being permanent are.
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You see, if they're not too embarrassed to tell you the truth, they'll say that they're appalled and frightened by the president's deficit.
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Ask them what they think of our economy now
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that it's been driven by the distorted value of the dollar back to its colonial condition.
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Now we're exporting agricultural products and importing manufactured ones.
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Ask those Republican investment bankers what they expect the rate of interest to be a year from now.
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And ask them, if they dare tell you the truth,
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you'll learn from them what they predict for the inflation rate a year from now because of the deficit.
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Now, how important is this question of the deficit?
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Think about it practically.
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What chance would the Republican candidate have had in 1980
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if he had told the American people that he intended to pay for his so -called economic recovery with bankruptcies,
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unemployment, more homeless, more hungry, and the largest government debt known to humankind.
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If he had told the voters in 1980 that truth, would American voters have signed the loan certificate for him on election day?
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Of course not.
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That was an election won under false pretenses.
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It was one with smoke and mirrors and illusions.
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And that's the kind of recovery we have now as well.
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What about foreign policy?
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They said that they would make us and the whole world safer.
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They say they have by creating the largest defense budget in history,
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one that even they now admit is excessive, by escalating to a frenzy the nuclear arms race,
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by incendiary rhetoric, by refusing to discuss peace with our enemies, by the loss of 279 young
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Americans in Lebanon in pursuit of a plan and a policy that no one can find or describe.
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We give money to Latin American governments that murder nuns and then we lie about it.
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We have been less than zealous in support of our only real friend, it seems to me, in the Middle East,
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the one democracy there, our flesh and blood ally, the state of Israel.
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Our policy, our foreign policy drifts with no real direction other than an hysterical commitment to an arms race
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that leads nowhere if we're lucky.
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And if we're not, it could lead us into bankruptcy or war.
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Of course we must have a strong defense.
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Of course Democrats are for a strong defense.
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Of course Democrats believe that there are times that we must stand and fight, and we have.
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Thousands of us have paid for freedom with our lives.
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But always, when this country has been at its best, our purposes were clear.
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Now they're not.
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Now our allies are as confused as our enemies.
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Now we have no real commitment to our friends or to our ideals, not to human rights, not to the refuseniks,
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not to Sakharov, not to Bishop Tutu and the others struggling for freedom in South Africa.
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We...
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We have in the last few years spent more than we can afford.
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We have pounded our chests and made bold speeches.
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But we lost 279 young
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Americans in Lebanon.
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And we live behind sandbags in Washington.
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How can anyone say that we are safer, stronger, or better?
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That is the Republican record.
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That its disastrous quality is not more fully understood by the American people,
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I can only attribute to the president's amiability and the failure by some to separate the salesman from the product. And now...
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Now it's up to us, now it's up to you and to me to make the case to America and to remind
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Americans that if they are not happy with all that the president has done so far,
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they should consider how much worse it will be if he is left to his radical proclivities for another four years unrestrained.
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Unrestrained. If July brings back
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Ann Gorsuch Burford, what can we expect of December?
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Where would another four years take us?
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Where would four years more take us?
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How much larger will the deficit be?
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How much deeper the cuts in programs for the struggling middle class and the poor to limit that deficit?
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How high will the interest rates be? how much more acid rain killing our forests and fouling our lakes.
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And ladies and gentlemen, please think of this.
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The nation must think of this.
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What kind of Supreme Court will we have?
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Please.
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We must ask ourselves what kind of court
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and country will be fashioned by the man who believes in having government mandate people's religion and morality,
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the man who believes that trees pollute the environment,
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the man that believes that the laws against discrimination against people go too far.
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A man who threatens
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Social Security and Medicaid and help for the disabled.
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How high will we pile the missiles?
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How much deeper will the gulf be between us and our enemies?
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And ladies and gentlemen will four years more make meaner the spirit of the American people.
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This election will measure the record of the past four years
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but more than that it will answer the question of what kind of people we want to be.
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We Democrats still have a dream.
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We still believe in this nation's future.
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And this is our answer to the question.
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This is our credo.
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We believe in only the government we need.
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But we insist on all the government we need.
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We believe in a government that is characterized by fairness and reasonableness, a reasonableness that goes beyond labels,
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that doesn't distort or promise to do things that we know we can't do.
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We believe in a government strong enough to use words like love and compassion,
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and smart enough to convert our noblest aspirations into practical realities.
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We believe in encouraging the talented.
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But we believe that while survival of the fittest may be a good working description of the process of evolution,
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a government of humans should elevate itself to a higher order.
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We, our government, our government should be able to rise to the level where it can fill the gaps
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that are left by chance or by a wisdom we don't fully understand.
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We would rather have laws written by the patron of this great city, the man called the world's most sincere
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Democrat, St. Francis of Assisi, than laws written by Darwin.
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We believe, we believe as Democrats that a society as blessed as ours, the most affluent democracy in the world's history,
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one that can spend trillions on instruments of destruction, ought to be able to help the middle class in its struggle,
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ought to be able to find work for all who can do it, room at the table, shelter for the homeless,
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care for the elderly and infirm, and hope for the destitute.
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And we proclaim as loudly as we can the utter insanity of nuclear proliferation and the need for a nuclear freeze,
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if only to affirm the simple truth that peace is better than war because life is better than death.
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We believe in firm, we believe in firm but fair law and order.
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We believe proudly in the union movement.
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We believe in a...
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We believe in privacy for people, openness by government.
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We believe in civil rights and we believe in human rights.
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We believe in a single fundamental idea that describes better than most textbooks
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and any speech that I could write what a proper government should be the idea of family,
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mutuality, the sharing of benefits and burdens for the good of all, feeling one another's pain, sharing one another's blessings reasonably,
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honestly, fairly, without respect to race or sex or geography or political affiliation.
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We believe we must be the family of America, recognizing that at the heart of the matter, we are bound one to another,
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that the problems of a retired school teacher in Duluth are our problems.
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That the future of the child in Buffalo is our future.
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That the struggle of a disabled man in Boston to survive and live decently is our struggle.
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That the hunger of a woman in Little Rock is our hunger.
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That the failure anywhere to provide what reasonably we might to avoid pain is our failure.
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Now for 50 years
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For 50 years, we
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Democrats created a better future for our children using traditional democratic principles as a fixed beacon, giving us direction and purpose,
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but constantly innovating, adapting to new realities.
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Roosevelt's alphabet programs, Truman's NATO and the GI Bill of Rights, Kennedy's Intelligent Tax Incentives and the Alliance for Progress,
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Johnson's Civil Rights, Carter's human rights and the nearly miraculous
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Camp David peace accord.
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Democrats did it.
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Democrats did it and Democrats can do it again.
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We can build a future that deals with our deficit.
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Remember this, that 50 years of progress under our principles never cost us what the last four years of stagnation have.
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We can deal with the deficit intelligently by shared sacrifice with all parts of the nation's family contributing, building partnerships with the private sector,
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providing a sound defense without depriving ourselves of what we need to feed our children and care for our people.
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We can have a future that provides for all the young of the present by marrying common sense and compassion.
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We know we can.
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Because we did it.
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for nearly 50 years before 1980,
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and we can do it again if we do not forget that this entire nation has profited by these progressive principles,
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that they helped lift up generations to the middle class and higher, that they gave us a chance to work,
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to go to college, to raise a family, to own a house, to be secure in our old age,
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and before that to reach heights that our own parents would not have dared dream of.
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that struggle to live with dignity is the real story of the shining city
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and it's a story ladies and gentlemen that I didn't read in a book
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or learn in a classroom I saw it
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and lived it like many of you I watched a small
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man with thick calluses on both his hands worked 15
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and 16 hours a day
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I saw him once literally bleed from the bottoms of his
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feet a man who came here uneducated alone unable to speak the language who taught me all
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I needed to know about faith and hard work by the simple eloquence of his example.
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I learned about our kind of democracy from my father, and I learned about our obligation to each other from him and my mother.
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They asked only for a chance to work and to make the world better for their children.
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And they asked to be protected in those moments
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when they would not be able to protect themselves this nation
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and this nation's government did that for them and
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that they were able to build a family and live in dignity
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and see one of their children go from behind their little
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grocery store in South Jamaica on the other side of the
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tracks where he was born to occupy the highest seat in
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the greatest state in the greatest nation in the only world we know is an ineffably beautiful tribute to the democratic process.
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And ladies and gentlemen, on January 20, 1985, it will happen again, only on a much, much grander scale.
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We will have a new president of the United States, a democrat born not to the blood of kings,
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but to the blood of pioneers and immigrants and we will have america's first woman vice president the child of immigrants
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And she, she, she will open with one magnificent and stroke a whole new frontier for the United States.
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Now it will happen, it will happen if we make it happen, if you and I make it happen.
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And I ask you now, ladies and gentlemen, brothers and sisters, for the good of all of us, for the love of this great nation,
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for the family of America, for the love of God, please make this nation remember how futures are built.
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Thank you and God bless you.
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Vocabulário e dicas de fala para esta lição
Esta aula de conversação usa o vídeo “1984 DNC Tale of Two Cities Speech”. Este vídeo tem 332 frases e 4174 palavras para praticar shadowing. A fala dura 38:59. O falante fala devagar, cerca de 107 palavras por minuto, o que dá tempo para imitar cada som. 85% das palavras estão entre as 3.000 mais comuns do inglês; vale a pena estudar o restante antes de começar.
Vocabulário principal deste vídeo
15 palavras do vídeo que vale a pena aprender, com pronúncia e significado:
| Palavra | Pronúncia | Significado |
|---|---|---|
| deficit substantivo | /ˈdɛfəsɪt/ | déficit, défice |
| shine verbo | /ʃaɪn/ | brilhar, luzir |
| gentleman substantivo | /ˈd͡ʒɛn.təl.mən/ | senhor, cavalheiro |
| refuse verbo | /ɹɪˈfjuːz/ | recusar |
| inflation substantivo | /ɪnˈfleɪ.ʃən/ | inflação |
| hungry adjetivo | /ˈhʌŋ.ɡɹi/ | faminto, com fome |
| principle substantivo | /ˈpɹɪn.sɪ.pəl/ | princípio |
| democrat substantivo | /ˈdɪməkɹæt/ | democrata |
| missile substantivo | /ˈmɪs.aɪl/ | míssil |
| bankruptcy substantivo | /ˈbæŋkˌɹʌp(t).si/ | falência, bancarrota |
| dignity substantivo | /ˈdɪɡnɪti/ | dignidade |
| unite verbo | /juˈnaɪt/ | unir |
| argue verbo | /ˈɑɹ.ɡju/ | discutir, argumentar |
| commitment substantivo | /kəˈmɪtmənt/ | compromisso, promessa |
| remind verbo | /ɹəˈmaɪnd/ | lembrar, recordar |
Phrasal verbs que você vai ouvir
| Palavra | Significado |
|---|---|
| lift up verbo | erguer |
Frases que vale a pena repetir
Frases curtas e completas do vídeo que você pode usar na conversa do dia a dia:
- It's as old as our history.
- That's what our primaries were all about.
- Where would another four years take us?
- Where would four years more take us?
- How high will we pile the missiles?
Gramática neste vídeo
As estruturas que o falante mais usa, com as palavras exatas do vídeo:
| Estrutura | No vídeo |
|---|---|
| Present perfect have/has + particípio passado — uma ação passada que ainda importa agora | has always been measured · has saved · has done |
| Voz passiva be + particípio passado — o foco está no que acontece, não em quem faz | had been denied · were warned · were told |
| Orações relativas who / which + oração — informação extra sobre uma pessoa ou coisa | people who need · people who tremble · people who sleep |
Pronúncia para ficar de olho
O falante usa 34 contrações e formas reduzidas, como don't, can't, we're. Diga-as na forma curta, do jeito que você ouve.
- Os sons de “th”: threaten /ˈθɹɛt.n̩/, thick /θɪk/, ethnic /ˈɛθ.nɪk/, gather /ˈɡæðɚ/
- Os sons de “sh” e “zh”: shine /ʃaɪn/, inflation /ɪnˈfleɪ.ʃən/, shelter /ˈʃɛltə/, compassion /kəmˈpæʃ.ən/, evolution /ˌiːvəˈluːʃ(ə)n/
- Palavras longas — acerte a sílaba tônica: diversity /daɪˈvɜː(ɹ)sɪti/, intelligent /ɪnˈtɛlɪd͡ʒənt/, unemployment /ʌn.ɪmˈplɔɪ.mənt/, magnificent /mæɡˈnɪfəsənt/, reasonably /ˈɹiː.zən.ə.bli/
Sons difíceis para falantes de português:
- Consoante final — sem acrescentar um “i” depois: deficit /ˈdɛfəsɪt/, democrat /ˈdɪməkɹæt/, unite /juˈnaɪt/, commitment /kəˈmɪtmənt/, remind /ɹəˈmaɪnd/
- /l/ final — a língua toca o céu da boca, não vira “u”: principle /ˈpɹɪn.sɪ.pəl/, missile /ˈmɪs.aɪl/, settle /ˈsɛtəl/, survival /sɚˈvaɪ.vəl/, tale /ˈteɪl/
- /h/ — um sopro suave, diferente do “r”: hungry /ˈhʌŋ.ɡɹi/, hunger /ˈhʌŋɡɚ/, holocaust /ˈhɑl.əˌkɔst/, behalf /bɪˈhæf/, nowhere /ˈnoʊ.(h)wɛɹ/
Como praticar com este vídeo
- Ouça o vídeo inteiro uma vez sem falar e anote as palavras que você não conhece.
- Faça shadowing frase por frase na velocidade normal, repetindo cada uma até o seu ritmo ficar igual ao do falante.
- Grave a sua voz e compare com o original, prestando atenção a palavras como deficit, shine, gentleman.
O que é a Técnica de Shadowing?
Shadowing é uma técnica de aprendizado de idiomas com base científica, originalmente desenvolvida para o treinamento de intérpretes profissionais. O método é simples, mas poderoso: você ouve áudio em inglês nativo e repete imediatamente em voz alta — como uma sombra seguindo o falante com 1-2 segundos de atraso. Pesquisas mostram melhora significativa na precisão da pronúncia, entonação, ritmo, sons conectados, compreensão auditiva e fluência na fala.