Luyện nói tiếng Anh bằng Shadowing qua video: President Obama Speaks at the General Assembly
Chọn chế độ luyện tập
Mỗi chế độ mở một phòng luyện tập toàn màn hình.
384 câu
Nếu các câu quá ngắn hoặc quá dài, hãy bấm Edit để chỉnh sửa.
1
Mr. President, Mr. Secretary General, fellow delegates, ladies and gentlemen,
2
as I address this hall as President for the final time,
3
let me recount the progress that we've made these last eight years.
4
From the depths of the greatest financial crisis of our time, we coordinated our response to avoid further catastrophe and return the global economy to growth.
5
We've taken away terrorist safe havens,
6
strengthened the nonproliferation regime, resolved the Iranian nuclear issue through diplomacy.
7
We opened relations with Cuba, helped Colombia end Latin America's longest war.
8
And we welcome a democratically elected leader of Myanmar to this assembly.
9
Our assistance is helping people feed themselves, care for the sick, power communities across Africa,
10
and promote models of development rather than dependence.
11
And we have made international institutions like the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund more representative,
12
while establishing a framework to protect our planet from the ravages of climate change.
13
This is important work.
14
It has made a real difference in the lives of our people.
15
And it could not have happened had we not worked together.
16
And yet, around the globe, we are seeing the same forces of global integration
17
that have made us interdependent also expose deep fault lines in the existing international order.
18
We see it in the headlines every day.
19
Around the world, refugees flow across borders in flight from brutal conflict.
20
Financial disruptions continue to weigh upon our workers and entire communities.
21
Across vast swaths of the Middle East, basic security, basic order has broken down.
22
We see too many governments muzzling journalists and quashing dissent and censoring the flow of information.
23
Terrorist networks use social media to prey upon the minds of our youth,
24
endangering open societies and spurring anger against innocent immigrants and Muslims.
25
Powerful nations contest the constraints placed on them by international law.
26
And this is the paradox that defines our world today.
27
A quarter century after the end of the Cold War, the world is by many measures less violent and more prosperous than ever before.
28
And yet our societies are filled with uncertainty and unease and strife.
29
Despite enormous progress, as people lose trust in institutions,
30
governing becomes more difficult, and tensions between nations become more quick to surface.
31
And so I believe that at this moment, we all face a choice.
32
We can choose to press forward with a better model of cooperation and integration, or we can retreat into a world sharply divided,
33
and ultimately in conflict, along age -old lines of nation and tribe and race and religion.
34
I want to suggest to you today that we must go forward and not backward.
35
I believe that as imperfect as they are the principles of open markets and accountable governance,
36
of democracy and human rights and international law, that we have forged remain the firmest foundation for human progress in this century.
37
I make this argument not based on theory or ideology, but on facts.
38
Facts that all too often we forget in the immediacy of current events.
39
Here's the most important fact.
40
The integration of our global economy has made life better for billions of men, women and children.
41
Over the last 25 years, the number of people living in extreme poverty has been cut from nearly 40 percent of humanity to under 10 percent.
42
That's unprecedented.
43
And it's not an abstraction.
44
It means children have enough to eat.
45
Mothers don't die in childbirth.
46
Meanwhile, cracking the genetic code promises to cure diseases that have plagued us for centuries.
47
The Internet can deliver the entirety of human knowledge to a young girl in a remote village on a single handheld device.
48
In medicine, and in manufacturing, in education and communications,
49
we're experiencing a transformation of how human beings live on a scale that recalls the revolutions in agriculture and industry.
50
And as a result, a person born today is more likely to be healthy, to live longer, and to have access to opportunity than at any time in human history.
51
Moreover, the collapse of colonialism
52
and communism has allowed more people than ever before to live with the freedom them to choose their leaders.
53
Despite the real and troubling areas where freedom appears in retreat,
54
the fact remains that the number of democracies around the world has nearly doubled in the last 25 years.
55
In remote corners of the world, citizens are demanding respect for the dignity of all people, no matter their gender or race race,
56
or religion, or disability, or sexual orientation, and those who deny others dignity are subject to public reproach.
57
An explosion of social media has given ordinary people more ways to express themselves, and has raised people's expectations for those of us in power.
58
Indeed, our international order has been so successful
59
that we take it as a given that great powers no longer fight world wars,
60
that the end of the Cold War lifted the shadow of nuclear Armageddon,
61
that the battlefields of Europe have been replaced by peaceful union,
62
that China and India remain on a path of remarkable growth.
63
I say all this not to whitewash the challenges we face, or to suggest complacency.
64
Rather, I believe that we need to acknowledge these achievements in order to summon the confidence to carry this progress forward,
65
and to make sure that we do not abandon those very things that have delivered this progress.
66
In order to move forward,
67
though, we do have to acknowledge that the existing path to global integration requires a course correction.
68
Because too often, those trumpeting the benefits of globalization have ignored inequality within and among nations,
69
have ignored the enduring appeal of ethnic and sectarian identities have left international institutions ill -equipped,
70
underfunded, under -resourced in order to handle transnational challenges.
71
And as these real problems have been neglected, alternative visions of the world have pressed forward, both in the wealthiest countries and in the poorest.
72
Religious fundamentalism, the politics of ethnicity or tribe or sect,
73
aggressive nationalism, accrued populism, sometimes from the far left but more often from the far right,
74
which seeks to restore what they believe was a better, simpler age free of outside contamination.
75
We cannot dismiss these visions.
76
They are powerful.
77
They reflect dissatisfaction among too many of our citizens.
78
I do not believe those visions can deliver security or prosperity over the long term.
79
But I do believe that these visions fail to recognize, at a very basic level, our common humanity.
80
Moreover, I believe that the acceleration of travel and technology and telecommunications, together with a global economy that depends on a global supply chain,
81
makes it self -defeating ultimately for those who seek to reverse this progress.
82
Today, a nation ringed by walls would only imprison itself.
83
So the answer cannot be a simple rejection of global integration.
84
Instead, we must work together to make sure the benefits of such integration are broadly shared,
85
and that the disruptions, economic,
86
political, and cultural, that are caused by integration are squarely addressed.
87
This is not the place for a detailed policy blueprint, but let me offer in broad strokes those areas where I I believe we must do better together.
88
It starts with making the global economy work better for all people and not just for those at the top.
89
While open markets, capitalism, have raised standards of living around the globe,
90
globalization, combined with rapid progress and technology has also weakened the position of workers and their ability to secure a decent wage.
91
In advanced economies like my own, unions have been undermined, and many manufacturing jobs have disappeared.
92
Often, those who benefit most from globalization have used their political power to further undermine the position of workers.
93
In developing countries, label organizations have often been suppressed, and the growth of the middle class has been held back by corruption and underinvestment.
94
Mercantilist policies pursued by governments with export -driven models threaten to undermine the consensus that underpins global trade.
95
And meanwhile, global capital is too often unaccountable.
96
nearly $8 trillion stashed away in tax havens, and a shadow banking system that grows beyond the reach of effective oversight.
97
A world in which 1 percent of humanity controls as much wealth as the other 99 percent will never be stable.
98
I understand that the gaps between rich and poor are not new, But just as the child in a slum today can see the skyscraper nearby,
99
technology now allows any person with a smartphone to see how the most privileged among us live,
100
and the contrast between their own lives and others.
101
Expectations rise, then, faster than governments can deliver, and a pervasive sense of injustice undermine people's faith in the system.
102
So how do we fix this imbalance?
103
We cannot unwind integration any more than we can stuff technology back into a box.
104
Nor can we look to failed models of the past.
105
If we start resorting to trade wars, market -distorting subsidies, beggar -thy -neighbor policies,
106
policies, an over -reliance on natural resources instead of innovation, these approaches will make us poor collectively,
107
and they are more likely to lead to conflict.
108
And the stark contrast between, say, the success of the Republic of Korea and the wasteland of North Korea shows that central,
109
planned control of the economy is a dead end.
110
But I do believe there is another path, one that fuels growth and innovation and offers the clearest route to individual opportunity and national success.
111
It does not require succumbing to a soulless capitalism that benefits only the few,
112
but rather recognizes that economies are more successful when we close the gap between rich and forth.
113
And growth is broadly based.
114
And that means respecting the rights of workers so they can organize into independent unions and earn a living wage.
115
It means investing in our people, their skills, their education, their capacity to take an idea and turn it into a business.
116
It means strengthening the safety net that protects our people from hardship.
117
and allows them to take more risks to look for a new job or start a new venture.
118
These are the policies that I've pursued here in the United States, and with clear results.
119
American businesses have created now 15 million new jobs.
120
After the recession, the top 1 percent of Americans were capturing more than 90 percent of income growth, but today that's down to about half.
121
Last year, poverty in this country fell at the fastest rate in nearly 50 years.
122
And with further investment in infrastructure and early childhood education and basic research, I'm confident that such progress will continue.
123
So just as I've pursued these measures here at home, so has the United States worked with many nations to curb the excesses of capitalism,
124
not to punish wealth, but to prevent repeated crises that can destroy it.
125
That's why we've worked with other nations to create higher and clearer standards for banking and taxation,
126
because a society that asks less of oligarchs than ordinary citizens will rot from within.
127
That's why we've pushed for transparency and cooperation in rooting out corruption and tracking illicit dollars.
128
Because markets create more jobs when they're fueled by hard work and not the capacity to extort a bribe.
129
That's why we've worked to reach trade agreements that raise labor standards and raise environmental standards, as we've done with the Trans -Pacific Partnership,
130
so that the benefits are more broadly shared.
131
And just as we benefit by combating inequality without our countries,
132
I believe advanced economies still need to do more to close the gap between rich and poor nations around the globe.
133
This is difficult politically.
134
It's difficult to spend on foreign assistance.
135
But I do not believe this is charity.
136
For the small fraction of what we spent at war in Iraq, we could support institutions so that fragile states don't collapse in the first place
137
and invest in emerging economies that become markets for our goods.
138
It's not just the right thing to do, it's the smart thing to do.
139
And that's why we need to follow through on our efforts to combat climate change.
140
If we don't act boldly, the bill that could come due will be mass migrations, and cities submerged, and nations displaced,
141
and food supplies decimated, and conflicts born of despair.
142
The Paris Agreement gives us a framework to act, but only if we scale up our ambition.
143
And there must be a sense of urgency about bringing the agreement into force
144
and helping poorer countries leapfrog destructive forms of energy.
145
So for the wealthiest countries, a green climate fund should only be the beginning.
146
We need to invest in research and provide market incentives to develop new technologies
147
and then make these technologies accessible and affordable for poorer countries.
148
And only then can we continue lifting all people up from
149
poverty without condemning our children to a planet beyond their capacity to repair.
150
So we need new models for the global marketplace, models that are inclusive and sustainable.
151
And in the same way, we need models of governance that are inclusive and accountable to ordinary people.
152
I recognize not every country in this hall is going to follow the same model of governance.
153
I do not think that America can or should impose our system of government on other countries.
154
But there appears to be a growing contest between authoritarianism and liberalism right now.
155
And I want everybody to understand I am not neutral in that contest.
156
I believe in a liberal political order, an order built not just through elections and representative government,
157
but also through respect for human rights and civil society and independent judiciaries and the rule of law.
158
I know that some countries which now recognize the power of free markets still reject the model of free societies.
159
And perhaps those of us who have been promoting democracy feel somewhat discouraged since the end of the Cold War.
160
because we've learned that liberal democracy will not just wash across the globe in a single wave.
161
It turns out building accountable institutions is hard work, the work of generations.
162
The gains are often fragile.
163
Sometimes we take one step forward and then two steps back.
164
In countries held together by borders drawn by colonial powers, With ethnic enclaves and tribal divisions,
165
politics and elections can sometimes appear to be a zero -sum game.
166
And so, given the difficulty in forging true democracy in the face of these pressures, it's no surprise that some argue the future favors the strong man,
167
a top -down model rather than strong democratic institutions.
168
But I believe this thinking is wrong.
169
I believe the road of true democracy remains the better path.
170
I believe that in the 21st century, economies can only grow to a certain point until they need to open up,
171
because entrepreneurs need to access information in order to invent.
172
Except, young people need a global education in order to thrive.
173
Independent media needs to check the abuses of power.
174
Without this evolution, ultimately expectations of people will not be met.
175
Suppression and stagnation will set in.
176
And history shows that strong men are then left with two paths,
177
permanent crackdown, which sparks strife at home, or scapegoating enemies abroad, which can lead to war.
178
Now, I will admit my belief that governments serve the individual and not the other way around is shaped by America's story.
179
Our nation began with a promise of freedom that applied only to the few, but because of our democratic constitution,
180
because of our Bill of Rights, because of our ideals.
181
Ordinary people were able to organize and march and protest, and ultimately, those ideals won out.
182
open doors for women and minorities and workers in ways
183
that made our economy more productive and turned our diversity into a strength.
184
That gave innovators the chance to transform every area of human endeavor.
185
That made it possible for someone like me to be elected President of the United States.
186
So, yes, my views are shaped by the specific experiences of America, but I do not think this story is unique to America.
187
Look at the transformation that's taken place in countries as different as Japan and Chile, Indonesia, Botswana.
188
The countries that have succeeded are ones in which people feel they have a stake. In Europe,
189
the progress of those countries and the former Soviet bloc that embraced democracy stand in clear contrast to those that did not.
190
After all, the people of Ukraine did not take to the streets because of some plot imposed from abroad.
191
They took to the streets because their leadership was for sale, and they had no recourse.
192
They demanded change because they saw life get better for people in the Baltics and in Poland, societies that were more liberal and democratic and open than their own.
193
So those of us who believe in democracy, we need to speak out forcefully,
194
because both the facts and history, I believe, are on our side.
195
That doesn't mean democracies are without flaws laws,
196
it does mean that the cure for what ails our democracies is greater engagement by our citizens, not less.
197
Yes, in America, there is too much money in politics, too much entrenched partisanship, too little participation by citizens,
198
in part because of a patchwork of laws that makes it harder to vote.
199
In Europe, a well -intentioned Brussels often became too isolated from the normal push and pull of national politics.
200
Too often in capitals, decision -makers have forgotten that democracy needs to be driven by civic engagement from the bottom up,
201
not governance by experts from the top down.
202
And so these are real problems.
203
And as leaders of democratic governments make the case for democracy abroad, we'd better strive harder to set a better example at home.
204
Moreover, every country will organize its government informed by centuries of history
205
and the circumstances of geography and the deeply held beliefs of its people.
206
So I recognize a traditional society may value unity and cohesion more than a diverse country like my own,
207
which was founded upon what at the time was a radical idea the idea of the liberty of individual human beings, endowed with certain God -given rights.
208
But that does not mean that ordinary people in Asia, or Africa, or the Middle East somehow prefer arbitrary rule
209
that denies them a voice in the decisions that can save their lives.
210
I believe that spirit is universal.
211
And if any of you doubt the universality of that desire,
212
listen to the voices of young people everywhere who call out for freedom and dignity and the opportunity to control
213
their own lives.
214
This leads me to the third thing we need to do.
215
we must reject any forms of fundamentalism
216
or racism or a belief in ethnic superiority
217
that makes our traditional identities irreconcilable with modernity.
218
Instead, we need to embrace the tolerance that results from respect of all human beings.
219
That's a truism that global integration has led to a collision of cultures.
220
Trade, migration, the Internet, all these things can challenge and unsettle our most cherished identities.
221
We see liberal societies express opposition when women choose to cover themselves.
222
We see protests responding to Western newspaper cartoons that caricature the Prophet Muhammad.
223
In a world that left the age of empire behind,
224
we see Russia attempting to recover lost glory through force.
225
Asian powers debate competing claims of history.
226
And in Europe and the United States, you see people wrestle with concerns about immigration and changing demographics,
227
and suggesting that somehow people who look different are corrupting the character of our countries.
228
Now, there's no easy answer for resolving all these social forces.
229
And we must respect the meaning that people draw from their own traditions, from their religion, from their ethnicity, from their sense of nationhood.
230
But I do not believe progress is possible
231
if our desire to preserve our identities gives way to an impulse to dehumanize or dominate another group.
232
If our religion leads us to persecute those of another faith, if we jail or beat people who are gay,
233
if our traditions lead us to prevent girls from going to school, if we discriminate on the basis of race or tribe or ethnicity,
234
then the fragile bonds of civilization will fray.
235
The world is too small.
236
We are too packed together for us to be able to resort to those old ways of thinking.
237
We see this mindset in too many parts of the Middle East.
238
There, so much of the collapse in order has been fueled because leaders sought legitimacy not because of policies or programs,
239
but by resorting to persecuting political opposition or demonizing other religious sects,
240
by narrowing the public space to the mosque where,
241
in too many places perversions of A great faith were tolerated, and these forces built up for years
242
and are now at work helping to fuel both Syria's tragic civil war and the mindless medieval menace of ISIL.
243
The mindset of sectarianism and extremism and bloodletting and retribution that has been taking place will not be quickly reversed.
244
And if we are honest, we understand that no external power is going to be able to force different religious communities
245
or ethnic communities to coexist for long.
246
But I do believe we have to be honest about the nature of these conflicts, and our international community must continue to work with those who seek to build rather than to destroy.
247
And there is a military component to that.
248
It means being united and relentless in destroying networks like ISIL, which show no respect for human life.
249
But it also means that in a place like Syria, where there is no ultimate military victory to be won, we're going to have to pursue the hard work of diplomacy
250
that aims to stop the violence and deliver aid to those in need, and support those who pursue a political settlement and can
251
and see those who are not like themselves as worthy of dignity and respect.
252
Across the region's conflicts, we have to insist that all parties recognize a common humanity and that nations end proxy wars that fuel disorder.
253
Because until basic questions are answered about how communities coexist, the embers of extremism will continue to burn,
254
countless human beings will suffer, most of all in that region.
255
But extremism will continue to be exported overseas.
256
And the world is too small for us to simply be able to build a wall
257
and prevent it from affecting our own societies.
258
And what is true in the Middle East is true for all of us.
259
Surely, religious traditions can be honored and upheld while teaching young people science and math rather than intolerance.
260
Surely, we can sustain our unique traditions while giving women their full
261
and rightful role in the politics and economics of a nation.
262
Surely, we can rally our nations to solidarity while recognizing equal treatment for all communities,
263
whether it's a religious minority in Myanmar, or an ethnic minority in Burundi, or a racial minority right here in the United States.
264
And surely, Israelis and Palestinians will be better off if Palestinians reject incitement and recognize the legitimacy of Israel,
265
but Israel recognizes that it cannot permanently occupy and settle Palestinian land.
266
We all have to do better as leaders in tamping down rather than encouraging a notion of identity
267
that leads us to diminish others.
268
And this leads me to the fourth and final thing we need to do, and that is sustain our commitment to international cooperation, rooted in the rights and responsibilities of nations.
269
As President of the United States, I know that for most of human history, power has not been unipolar,
270
and the end of the Cold War may have led too many to forget this truth.
271
I've noticed, as President, that at times both America's adversaries
272
and some of our Our allies believe that all problems were either caused by Washington or could be solved by Washington.
273
And perhaps too many in Washington believe that as well.
274
But I believe America has been a rare superpower in human history,
275
insofar as it has been willing to think beyond narrow self -interest.
276
That while we've made our share of mistakes over these last 25 years, and I've acknowledged some, we have strived,
277
sometimes at great sacrifice, to align better our actions with our ideals.
278
And as a consequence, I believe we have been a force for good.
279
We have secured allies.
280
We've acted to protect the vulnerable.
281
We've supported human rights and welcomed scrutiny of our own actions.
282
We've bound our power to international laws and institutions.
283
When we've made mistakes, we've tried to acknowledge them.
284
We have worked to roll back poverty and hunger and disease beyond our borders, not just within our borders.
285
I'm proud of that.
286
But I also know that we can't do this alone.
287
And I believe that if we're to meet the challenges of this century,
288
we are all going to have to do more to build up international capacity.
289
We cannot escape the prospect of nuclear war unless we all commit to stopping the spread of nuclear weapons
290
and pursuing a world without them.
291
When Iran agrees to accept constraints on its nuclear program,
292
that enhances global security and enhances Iran's ability to work with other nations.
293
On the other hand, when North Korea tests a bomb, that endangers all of us.
294
And any country that breaks this basic bargain must face consequences.
295
And those nations with these weapons, like the United States, have a unique responsibility to pursue the path of reducing our stockpiles
296
and reaffirming basic norms like the commitment to never test them again.
297
We can't combat a disease like Zika that recognizes no borders,
298
mosquitoes don't respect walls, unless we make permanent the same urgency that we brought to bear against Ebola,
299
by strengthening our own systems of public health, by investing in cures and rolling back the root causes causes of disease,
300
and helping poorer countries develop a public health infrastructure.
301
We can only eliminate extreme poverty if the sustainable development goals that we have set are more than words on paper.
302
Human ingenuity now gives us the capacity to feed the hungry and give all of our children, including our girls, the education that is the foundation for opportunity in our world.
303
But we have to put our money where our mouths are.
304
And we can only realize the promise of this institution's founding to replace the ravages of war with cooperation
305
if powerful nations like my own accept constraints.
306
Sometimes I'm criticized in my own country for professing a belief in international norms and multilateral institutions.
307
But I am convinced that in the long run, giving up some freedom of action,
308
not giving up our ability to protect ourselves or pursue our core interests,
309
but binding ourselves to international rules over the long term enhances our security.
310
And I think that's not just true for us.
311
If Russia continues to interfere in the affairs of its neighbors, it may be popular at home.
312
It may fuel nationalist fervor for a time.
313
But over time, it is also going to diminish its stature and make its borders less secure.
314
In the South China Sea,
315
a peaceful resolution of disputes offered by law will mean far greater stability than the militarization of a few rocks and reefs.
316
We are all stakeholders in this international system, and it calls upon all of us to invest in the success of institutions to which we belong.
317
And the good news is that many nations have shown what kind of progress is possible when we make those commitments.
318
Consider what we've accomplished here over the past few years.
319
Together, we mobilized some 50 ,000 additional troops for UN peacekeeping, making them nimble, better equipped, better prepared to deal with emergencies.
320
Together, we established an open government partnership so that, increasingly, transparency empowers more and more people around the globe.
321
And together, now, we have to open our hearts and do more to help refugees who are desperate for home.
322
We should all welcome the pledges of increased assistance that have been made at this General Assembly gathering.
323
I'll be discussing that more this afternoon.
324
But we have to follow through even when the politics are hard.
325
Because in the eyes of innocent men and women and children who, through no fault of their own, have had to flee everything that they know,
326
know everything that they love, we have to have the empathy to see ourselves.
327
We have to imagine what it would be like for our family, for our children, if the unspeakable happened to us.
328
And we should all understand that ultimately our world will be more secure
329
if we are prepared to help those in need
330
and the nations who are carrying the largest burden with respect to accommodating these refugees.
331
There are a lot of nations right now that are doing the right thing.
332
But many nations, particularly those blessed with wealth and the benefits of geography,
333
they can do more to offer a hand.
334
Even if they also insist
335
that refugees who come to our countries have to do more to adopt to the customs
336
and conventions of the communities that are now providing them a home.
337
Let me conclude by saying that I recognize history tells a different story than the one that I've talked about here today,
338
there's a much darker and more cynical view of history that we can adopt.
339
Human beings are too often motivated by greed and by power.
340
Big countries, for most of history, have pushed smaller ones around.
341
Tribes and ethnic groups and nation -states have very often found it most convenient to define themselves by what they hate,
342
and not just those ideas that bind them together.
343
Time and again, human beings have believed that they've finally arrived at a period of enlightenment, only to repeat, then, cycles of conflict and suffering.
344
Perhaps that's our fate.
345
We have to remember that the choices of individual human beings led to repeated world war.
346
But we also have to remember
347
that the choices of individual human beings created a United Nations so that a war like that would never happen again.
348
Each of us, as leaders,
349
each nation, can choose to reject those who appeal to our worst impulses and embrace those who appeal to our best.
350
For we have shown that we can choose a better history.
351
Sitting in a prison cell, a young Martin Luther King Jr. wrote that human progress never rolls on the wheels of inevitability.
352
It comes through the tireless efforts of men willing to be co -workers with God.
353
And during the course of these eight years, as I've traveled to many of your nations, I have seen that spirit in our young people,
354
who are more educated and more tolerant and more inclusive and more diverse and more creative than our generation,
355
who are more empathetic and compassionate towards their fellow human beings than previous generations.
356
And yes, some of that comes with the idealism of youth, but it also comes with young people's access to information about other peoples and places,
357
an understanding unique in human history
358
that their future is bound with the fates of other human beings on the other side of the world.
359
I think of the thousands of health care workers from around the world who volunteered to fight Ebola.
360
I remember the young entrepreneurs I met who were now starting new businesses in Cuba.
361
The parliamentarians who used to be, just a few years ago, political prisoners in Myanmar.
362
I think of the girls who have braved taunts or violence just to go to school in Afghanistan.
363
And the university students who started programs online to reject the extremism of organizations like ISIL.
364
I draw strength from the young Americans,
365
entrepreneurs, activists, soldiers, new citizens who are remaking our nation once again,
366
who are unconstrained by old habits and old conventions and unencumbered by what is, but are instead ready to seize what ought to be.
367
My own family is made up of the flesh and blood
368
and traditions and cultures and faiths from a lot of different parts of the world,
369
just as America has been built by immigrants from every shore.
370
And in my own life, in this country, and as President,
371
I have learned that our identities do not have to be defined by putting someone else down,
372
but can be enhanced by lifting somebody else up.
373
That they don't have to be defined in opposition to others, but rather by a belief in liberty and equality and justice and fairness.
374
And the embrace of these principles as universal doesn't weaken my particular pride, my particular love for America.
375
It strengthens it.
376
My belief that these ideals apply everywhere doesn't lessen my commitment to help those who look like me
377
or pray as I do or pledge allegiance to my flag.
378
But my faith in those principles does force me to expand my moral imagination
379
and to recognize that I can best serve my own people.
380
I can best look after my own daughters by making sure
381
that my actions seek what is right for all people and all children and your daughters and your sons.
382
This is what I believe, that all of us can be co -workers with God.
383
And And our leadership and our governments and this United Nations should reflect this irreducible truth.
384
Thank you very much.
Tải Ứng Dụng
Mọi thứ bạn cần để nói trôi chảy
Chấm điểm AIChấm từng câu nói
Luyện IPAThành thạo mọi âm
Từ vựngMở rộng vốn từ
Game Từ vựngHọc qua chơi
Cùng kênh
B22
West Wing Week 09/02/11 or "Dispatches: Asia"
Daily ConversationWorking Adults
B25
The Final Minutes of President Obama's Farewell Address: Yes, we can.
IELTS PrepTOEFL PrepUniversity Students
B23
President Obama Speaks at the Joplin High School Commencement Ceremony
Daily ConversationHigh School StudentsUniversity Students
C111
President Obama Addresses the British Parliament
IELTS PrepTOEFL PrepUniversity Students
B23
President Obama Delivers Morehouse College Commencement Address
Business EnglishUniversity StudentsWorking Adults
B23
President Obama's Message for America's Students
Daily ConversationHigh School StudentsUniversity Students
B26
The President Delivers Remarks on Iran
IELTS PrepTOEFL PrepDaily Conversation
B2President Obama & State Counselor Aung San Suu Kyi
Business EnglishDaily ConversationUniversity Students
FOR YOU
Video gợi ý
B210
48 câu
Barack Obama's final speech as president – video highlights
IELTS PrepTOEFL PrepUniversity Students
C11
269 câu
(Français) 🇫🇷 France - President Addresses United Nations General Debate, 77th Session | #UNGA
IELTS PrepTOEFL PrepUniversity Students
C13
170 câu
In full: Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney's speech at the World Economic Forum in Davos
IELTS PrepTOEFL PrepUniversity Students
C1214
46 câu
Leonardo DiCaprio (UN Messenger of Peace) at the opening of Climate Summit 2014
IELTS PrepTOEFL PrepBusiness English
B2366
5 câu
2026 July 08 BBC One minute World News
IELTS PrepTOEFL PrepDaily Conversation
C14
61 câu
Diễn văn trong "Nhà độc tài vĩ đại" | Charlie Chaplin
IELTS PrepTOEFL PrepUniversity Students
B29
27 câu
"أنت فاشل".. سيناتور ديمقراطي يهاجم وزير الحرب الأمريكي
IELTS PrepTOEFL PrepDaily Conversation
C17
319 câu
Secretary Marco Rubio Remarks at Munich Security Conference
IELTS PrepTOEFL PrepBusiness English
C13
106 câu
ENGLISH SPEECH | SNEHA DUBEY: India vs Pakistan at the UN (English Subtitles)
IELTS PrepTOEFL PrepUniversity Students
B22
180 câu
FULL SPEECH: King Abdullah of Jordan Slams Israel, Calls West Bank Displacement a War Crime | AC1G
IELTS PrepTOEFL PrepUniversity Students
B22
192 câu
Lavrov’s Explosive UN Speech: Russia Declares Collapse of American Hegemony | AQ1B
IELTS PrepTOEFL PrepUniversity Students
Từ vựng và ghi chú luyện nói cho bài học này
Video này có 384 câu và 5599 từ để luyện shadowing. Phần lời nói dài 47:36. Người nói giữ tốc độ đều, khoảng 118 từ mỗi phút, vừa sức để nói đuổi theo. 82% số từ nằm trong 3.000 từ tiếng Anh thông dụng nhất; phần còn lại nên xem trước khi luyện.
Từ vựng quan trọng trong video
15 từ ít gặp trong video, kèm phiên âm và nghĩa:
- ethnic /ˈɛθ.nɪk/ (tính từ) — dân tộc. Of or relating to a group of people having common racial, ancestral, national, religious or cultural origins.
- poverty /ˈpɑːvɚti/ (danh từ) — sự nghèo nàn. The quality or state of being poor; lack of money
- globe /ɡloʊb/ (danh từ) — quả địa cầu. The eyeball.
- humanity /hjuˈmænɪti/ (danh từ) — nhân loại, loài người. Humankind; human beings as a group.
- cooperation /koʊˌɑ.pəˈɹeɪ.ʃən/ (danh từ) — sự hợp tác, hợp tác. The act of cooperating.
- dignity /ˈdɪɡnɪti/ (danh từ) — nhân phẩm. The state of being dignified or worthy of esteem: elevation of mind or character.
- minority /maɪˈnɒɹ.ɪ.ti/ (danh từ) — thiểu số, số ít. The state or condition of being smaller, inferior, or subordinate to something or someone else; lesserness.
- principle /ˈpɹɪn.sɪ.pəl/ (danh từ) — nguyên lí, nguyên tắc. A fundamental assumption, fundamental law or guiding belief.
- collapse /kəˈlæps/ (động từ) — đổ, sập. To break apart and fall down suddenly; to cave in.
- embrace /ɛmˈbɹes/ (động từ) — ôm. To clasp (someone or each other) in the arms with affection; to take in the arms; to hug.
- entrepreneur /ˌɑn.tɹə.pɹəˈnɝ/ (danh từ) — chủ doanh nghiệp. A person who sets up a business; generally, a person who owns and manages a business and assumes its financial risks.
- organize /ˈɔɹɡənaɪz/ (động từ) — sắp xếp, tổ chức. To arrange in working order.
- capitalism /ˈkæp.ə.təlˌɪzm̩/ (danh từ) — chủ nghĩa tư bản. A socio-economic system based on private ownership of resources, and capital and their exploitation for profit.
- fragile /ˈfɹæd͡ʒəl/ (tính từ) — dễ vỡ, dễ bể. Easily broken, not sturdy; of delicate material.
- ethnicity /ɛθˈnɪsɪti/ (danh từ) — sắc tộc, sắc dân. The common characteristics of a group of people, especially regarding ancestry, culture, language or national experiences.
Cụm động từ bạn sẽ nghe
- give up (động từ) — đầu hàng. To surrender (someone or something); to inform on (someone).
- break down (động từ) — hỏng, hỏng hóc. To stop functioning.
- look after (động từ) — theo dõi, dõi theo. To follow with the eyes; to look in the direction of (someone or something departing).
- look for (động từ) — tìm, tìm kiếm. To seek.
Phát âm cần chú ý
Người nói dùng 40 dạng rút gọn, ví dụ we've, I've, don't. Hãy nói theo dạng ngắn đúng như bạn nghe.
- Âm “th”: ethnic /ˈɛθ.nɪk/, ethnicity /ɛθˈnɪsɪti/, strengthen /ˈstɹɛŋ(k)θən/, worthy /ˈwɝ.ði/, gather /ˈɡæðɚ/
- Âm “sh” và “zh”: integration /ˌɪn.tɪˈɡɹeɪ.ʃən/, cooperation /koʊˌɑ.pəˈɹeɪ.ʃən/, contrast /kənˈt(ʃ)ɹæst/, expectation /ˌɛk.spɛkˈteɪ.ʃən/, partnership /ˈpɑɹtnɚʃɪp/
- Từ dài — đặt trọng âm cho đúng: integration /ˌɪn.tɪˈɡɹeɪ.ʃən/, ordinary /ˈɔɹdɪnɛɹi/, humanity /hjuˈmænɪti/, cooperation /koʊˌɑ.pəˈɹeɪ.ʃən/, minority /maɪˈnɒɹ.ɪ.ti/
Cách luyện với video này
- Nghe hết video một lần, chưa cần nói, và ghi lại những từ bạn chưa biết.
- Nói đuổi từng câu ở tốc độ bình thường, lặp lại mỗi câu đến khi nhịp của bạn khớp với người nói.
- Ghi âm giọng mình rồi so với bản gốc, chú ý các từ như ethnic, poverty, globe.
Ngữ pháp trong video
Những cấu trúc người nói dùng nhiều nhất, kèm đúng cụm từ trong video:
| Cấu trúc | Trong video |
|---|---|
| Thì hiện tại hoàn thành tiếp diễn have/has been + -ing — việc bắt đầu từ trước và vẫn đang tiếp tục | have been promoting · has been taking |
| Thì hiện tại hoàn thành have/has + quá khứ phân từ — việc đã xảy ra nhưng còn liên quan đến hiện tại | we've made · We've taken · have made |
| Câu bị động be + quá khứ phân từ — nhấn vào việc xảy ra, không phải người làm | are filled · has been cut · have been replaced |
| Mệnh đề quan hệ who / which + mệnh đề — thêm thông tin về người hoặc vật | those who deny · those who seek · those who benefit |
Phương Pháp Shadowing Là Gì?
Shadowing là kỹ thuật học ngôn ngữ có cơ sở khoa học, ban đầu được phát triển cho chương trình đào tạo phiên dịch viên chuyên nghiệp và được phổ biến rộng rãi bởi nhà đa ngôn ngữ học Dr. Alexander Arguelles. Nguyên lý cốt lõi đơn giản nhưng cực kỳ hiệu quả: bạn nghe tiếng Anh của người bản xứ và lặp lại to ngay lập tức — như một "cái bóng" (shadow) đuổi theo người nói với độ trễ chỉ 1–2 giây. Khác với luyện ngữ pháp hay học từ vựng bị động, Shadowing buộc não bộ và cơ miệng phải đồng thời xử lý và tái tạo ngôn ngữ thực tế. Các nghiên cứu khoa học xác nhận phương pháp này cải thiện đáng kể phát âm, ngữ điệu, nhịp điệu, nối âm, kỹ năng nghe và độ lưu loát khi nói — đặc biệt hiệu quả cho người luyện IELTS Speaking và muốn giao tiếp tiếng Anh tự nhiên như người bản ngữ.