Shadowing Practice: Why Latino voters have turned on Trump | America, Actually - Learn English Speaking with Video

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If you dig into the numbers, one trend becomes undeniable since 2024.
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Latino voters have turned on Donald Trump.
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Take a look at this data.
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According to Pew Research, only 66% of the Latino voters who backed Trump in the last presidential election still approve of his job performance.
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That's down 27 percentage points since the start of his second term.
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And these days, 68% of Latinos fully support Democrats.
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That's a whopping 43-point swing since the last presidential election.
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So what's driving this drastic shift?
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And how has our understanding of the Latino electorate changed over the last few cycles?
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Latinos often get given the title the sleeping giant.
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We should be called the swinging giant based on how much shift we have seen election to election.
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This week on America Actually, I talked to Stephanie Valencia, co-founder and president of Equis and she'll break down the Latino electorate.
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Plus, Democratic congressional candidate Manny Rutnell.
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What do politicians and parties get wrong about Latino voters?
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Let's dig in.
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When we talk about the Latino electorate, what are we actually talking about?
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Mexican-Americans in California are way different than Cubans in Miami,
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in common with Latinos in Michigan or Wisconsin, which is why I wanted to talk to Stephanie Valencia.
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Stephanie co-founded Equis, a political research firm that digs into the nitty-gritty when it comes to Latino voters.
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And in 2024, they published the Latino Playbook,
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which is full of great nuggets about how political campaigns can reach this all-important voting block.
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So what do campaigns get wrong?
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What are the misconceptions when it comes to Latino voters?
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and how has Donald Trump changed everything?
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Let's ask Stephanie.
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Thank you so much for joining us.
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We appreciate your time.
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Thank you for having me.
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Okay, so Equis has called Latinos one of the last great wild cards in American politics.
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Is that because of some of the double-digit swings that we've seen among this voting group over the past few elections?
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Yes, it absolutely has to do with that.
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You know, Latinos often get given the title the sleeping giant, which I just want to rid that out of everybody's vocabulary,
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we should be called the swinging giant based on how much shift we have seen election to election.
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A third of Latinos consider themselves independent or apolitical nonpartisan.
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And that's that swinging middle that really is deciding every single election.
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Obviously, when we talk about the Latino diaspora, that means a lot of stuff.
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I mean, how much should we consider this even a joint group amongst itself?
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Because when you mentioned, you know, a third of Latino voters consider themselves independent, part of my head goes to, like, do we know specifics about that?
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Are we talking about South Americans or folks who come from Central America?
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Like, places of origin seem to matter a lot here.
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What do we know about that makeup when we talk about the Latino electorate?
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Well, you know, there are probably in this point in time, you know, this has not always been true,
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but at this point in time that we find ourselves in more in common across subgroups of country of origin.
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So, you know, we saw shifts among every subgroup of Latinos.
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So whether you were Puerto Rican, Cuban, Colombian or Mexican in 2024, all of those groups shifted.
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Men shifted.
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All of those shifted to the right.
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All of those shifted to the right.
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And more people voted for Trump.
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So you even saw that among gender.
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A lot of attention was paid to Latino men and whether or not Latino men shifted more.
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The truth is when you peel back the onion, you go back beyond 2024 and you actually look over the last 10 years,
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Latino women have shifted more over that period of time than men had.
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Men were already starting in a more conservative place.
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You're also seeing it among younger people.
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So there are still shifts happening among young people that happened toward the right as well.
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And I think it's really important for us to understand that, yes, Latinos are not a monolith.
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There are important nuances to understanding how you the issues you're talking about to a Cuban American
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and an issue you're talking about to a Mexican American.
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But the uniting factor is the economy.
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Fundamentally, everybody is experiencing the economy in a very challenged way, just like all Americans are right now.
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Yep, that makes sense.
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Your playbook gets into messengers and particularly like how we reach folks where they are.
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It makes a Spanish Spanglish distinction talking about the different types of media that Latino voters consume.
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I wanted to ask in that vein, what's the single biggest mistake campaigns make in terms of not reaching folks where they are?
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Oh, man.
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How long do we have so I can tell you how many mistakes?
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You know, they're really simple kind of unforced errors.
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I'm going to give a very concrete and simple example that I think illustrates.
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Look, I'm Latina.
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I grew up speaking mostly English, but I listen to Spanish language radio.
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I watch a lot of YouTube.
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And on YouTube, I'm watching people like Carol G and Karine León.
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A lot of people, a lot of swing voters, Latino voters have the same media consumption habits that I do.
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And a lot of what you get media consultants doing when they develop a Spanish language ad.
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So the first problem or challenge that a lot of candidates make is they just simply translate their English ad into Spanish.
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And that is, to me, one of the biggest mistakes because there are a lot of things
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that people want to be communicating in Spanish that don't translate word for word.
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There are sayings in Spanish that don't translate directly from English or more direct ways you can communicate.
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I'm sure it immediately reads Google Translate rather than an original message for said community.
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Exactly.
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Exactly.
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So that's mistake number one.
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Mistake number two is when they're deploying that ad digitally, they're going to, as a proxy to talk to people, they're going to Spanish language browser settings.
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So they say, we don't want people who speak English to see the Spanish language ad.
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So the way they target that voter or try to find
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that set of voters is just by going to people who have Spanish language browser setting.
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Like I said, I don't have a Spanish language browser setting.
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Everything I consume online is set in English on Chrome, but I still watch a lot of content in Spanish on YouTube.
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So you're missing a voter like me who's going to see a Spanish language ad from a James Tallarico
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or a Manny Routnel and be turned on by it because I'm going to say like, hey, like that candidate speaking to our community,
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that candidate has enough respect to develop a Spanish language ad.
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We had done some testing a couple of years ago
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that showed that over 70 percent of Latinos who see an ad in Spanish think
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that party or candidate cares more about Latinos.
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That is interesting.
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It matters that much.
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It matters that much.
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I wanted to ask, stay in 2024 for a second longer.
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You all's research found that Project 2025 and Trump's kind of mass deportation was not at top of mind for most people, that they were thinking about the economy.
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I wanted to ask about that because I remember the RNC signs at the convention saying mass deportations now.
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I mean, one number says that 62 percent of Latinos now think that Trump wants to deport undocumented immigrants broadly.
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Why did it take till post-election to kind of realize those threats of mass deportation were real, considering they were so front and center during his campaign?
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So I think this is really important for us as avid news consumers to understand what it is that the average voter,
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and especially that voter who's coming in and out of elections, the kind of news they're consuming, right?
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What they were seeing on mainstream media, perhaps even Fox News at the time, was a focus on people who said,
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or Trump surrogates who said he's going to focus on serious criminals, securing the border, and violent criminals, right?
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And so that's what people bought.
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Fast forward to 2026.
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The people who feel most regretful who voted for Trump in 2024, the people who feel most regretful are most regretful because of immigration.
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They feel like there was a broken promise there.
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They were told he was going to focus on the border, which everybody agreed was chaos, and he was going to focus on violent criminals and serious threats.
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And at the end of the day, he has not complied with that.
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And then add that to all the other litany of broken promises.
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So I'm hearing a distinction between kind of a focus on border, which Republicans did try to prioritize, rather than the kind of interior deportations,
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which may have been more attributed to Stephen Miller than Donald Trump, but we have certainly seen that be a focus of the administration once they came back into office.
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You mentioned the kind of shift that has happened since 2024, and that's really important.
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Of course, Trump's approval rating with Latinos is now worse than with non-Latinos, a stunning reversal in 18 months.
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I guess you somewhat mentioned the factors that have contributed there.
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But is this really just the economy?
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It's the economy.
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It's the war and it's immigration.
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It's those three things.
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one thing that is really interesting to note about Trump's approval, other than it's like at the basement levels that it's ever been,
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and he's very much pulled down the GOP with him broadly and with Latino voters as well, is that in Trump 1.0,
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his approval on the economy and the cost of living was actually better than his everyday approval on his total job.
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And he has been underwater with Latinos almost this entire term so far on the cost of living in the economy.
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It's almost been a complete and total reversal.
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Listen, you tell people you're going to fix egg prices
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and gas is going to go down and then you do the opposite.
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And we're hearing that story universally across different electorate groups.
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You're saying that's still the main story when it comes to Latinos also.
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Yes, it's still the main story.
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And I think one important data point to understand about the
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Latino voter is Latinos make up more of the wage workforce than any other part or the other racial subgroup.
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And so what that means is when wages are down and inflation is high, Latinos feel more.
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We have less savings.
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We have less rates of home ownership.
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So the kind of safety nets that other people might have, we just don't have.
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And so that really, I think, has exacerbated the kind of impact that people are feeling right now as they're trying to make ends meet.
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You mentioned the exponential growth in the terms of people who now regret or are disappointed with their vote for Donald Trump.
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Does that mean a preference for Democrats?
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How should we think about the binary choice between DNR versus
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what is a clear story about a backlash to Donald Trump's actions?
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I think it is a huge mistake for Democrats to assume
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or to rest on their laurels and think that
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because of what people are feeling around Trump and Republicans in the sense of disappointment and promises broken,
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is that that that is automatically going to translate to them as a party and as a brand.
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Right now, the Democratic brand has suffered a repeated set of blows among Latino voters.
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20 years of comprehensive immigration reform that hasn't been delivered.
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It's a thing that comes up in almost every focus group.
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And part of what the buildup to 2024 was, was not only 20 years of a promise undelivered, it was the chaos at the border.
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It was feeling like Democrats were focused on everything but Latinos
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and their families or everyday Americans and their families and that they had lost that thread.
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You mentioned Manny Routno.
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We're going to talk to him.
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I mean, one of the things
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that I am interested in is whether there's a match between the kind of progressive values in some of these communities.
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I mean, we sometimes hear about Latino voters as culturally conservative
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or as people who may not be a perfect fit for a progressive message.
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Does your research bear any of that out?
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Is there a clear ideological story you need to tell?
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to win over some of these people?
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So I want to reframe kind of the partisan binary when it comes to Latinos.
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I think there's this been the sense of the swinginess means Latinos are more conservative
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or Latinos are more Democrat based on any set of policies.
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But I think it's a little bit more nuanced than that.
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And I'm going to give a couple of examples why.
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One was abortion in 2022.
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Latinos are in the sense less socially conservative because they did definitively supported and what took pro-abortion stance in 2022.
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If that had not been a part of the narrative in 2022, I would argue Democrats would have had a lot harder of a time winning
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and kind of maintaining what they did in the 2022 midterms.
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Then- So for all the social conservative talk, defending abortion rights played well.
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Was really, really important for Latino voters
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because Democrats had not really given a lot for Latino voters to be for other than that fight.
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So fast forward to 2026, We see issues like immigration, health care, the economy.
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I would argue what people are looking for aren't necessarily progressive or conservative solutions.
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They're looking for common sense solutions.
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Who's going to restore the health care so
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that my kid can see a doctor and my premium isn't twice as much as it was a year ago?
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How do I make sure that I have SNAP benefits?
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Latinos very much support these government programs.
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They want them implemented well, but they very much support these government programs.
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In fact, health care and the ACA, the zip code that was the highest propensity use of the ACA and subscription of the ACA was in Miami, Florida.
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So among Cuban-American old people.
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And so this like notion that like Cubans are so anti-socialist because of health care, they are the number one users of Obamacare down in South Florida.
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I think that's an important kind of point to make is that, as we often find, not everyone and most people,
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in fact, are not thinking in those strict ideological terms.
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And so it's, you know, why we might define the Manny Routinals or others as progressive, left, centrist, moderate.
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That's not necessarily how folks come to the solutions in which they're picking.
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I do want to clarify, like, there was so much of an assumption in, like, political electoral world that the rising tide of,
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I would say, black and brown voters were going to lead to this inevitable liberal majority.
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We know that was the controlling narrative that kind of led to 2016 or even, I would say, was still persisting around 2020.
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I think that's kind of been blown up in the last several years, as people have seen, obviously,
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Donald Trump really make successful inroads with some of those groups in the 2024 election, as you mentioned.
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But the change in demographics is still continuing apace.
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We're still seeing the increasing power of Latino voters.
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We'll still have a country that's increasingly racial minorities.
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And even though somewhat of a racial minority majority come 30, 40 years from now.
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So how should we think about its potential effect on our political system?
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If it doesn't mean an inevitable D or an inevitable R, does it just mean we have this conversation every year?
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It's swinging.
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So I think demographics have proven are not destiny.
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And I think it's wrong for Democrats to assume that Black voters
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or Latino voters are theirs for that they own either one of those voting blocks.
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Yeah, I mean, they kind of effed around and found out about that in the last one.
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Exactly, exactly.
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And so I think they've got to put in the work, right?
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And as I started with, you know, Latinos should be known not just as a sleeping giant anymore, let's rid that from our mentality, but the swinging giant.
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I'm going to leave you with this data point, which always makes my jaw drop.
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And I want to see the look on your face when I say it, which is there are a million Latinos who turn 18 every single year.
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And an 18-year-old who turns 18 this year
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and will vote in this year's election was born the year Barack Obama was elected president.
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I work for Barack Obama.
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So that statistic makes me feel incredibly old.
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And it is a reminder that the era of politics for an 18-year-old today is chaos,
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COVID, and corruption.
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They do not remember the hopium of Obama and the beautiful coalition that we built.
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And even the Bush era kind of post Iraq war, post September 11th era that we were living in
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that had built for this and created the conditions for Barack Obama to be elected president.
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And so that is all ancient history to them.
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Yeah, the context in which they're working at is completely different.
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And I think that speaks to the desire for creative solutions.
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I mean, the status quo hasn't worked out for them.
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And I understand then how that leads you to say, OK, what else we thinking here?
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Thank you so much for your time and specifically for the data.
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That was really illuminating.
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Great.
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Thank you so much for having me on.
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After the break, we talked to a politician who is trying to apply these lessons in real time.
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Congressional candidate Manny Rutino is running in a battleground house district in Colorado.
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And importantly, that district has a high percentage of Latino voters.
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He's up next.
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Former State Representative Manny Rutanel, thank you for joining us.
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I appreciate your time.
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It's great to be here.
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I want to jump right into it.
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You know, part of the reason we wanted to talk to you is
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because the district you're running in has seen a bunch of demographic change recently, as the state of Colorado has.
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And it's one of the battleground districts that has the highest percentage of Latino voters.
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Now, I know that that's a broad term, but how would you describe how that growth of that constituency has shaped Colorado, has shaped your work?
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Yeah, well, this district is 40% Latino.
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Like you mentioned, it's the most Latino in the entire state.
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These are folks that are trying to work hard and make ends meet, provide for their families and their communities.
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But everywhere they go, Donald Trump and my congressman, Gabe Evans, are trying to make their lives impossible, whether it's by gutting programs that are the foundation of the American dream,
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like Medicaid and food stamps, which I relied on, or by just destroying the economy with these corrupt, chaotic tariff policies.
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and, you know, of course now a forever war in Iran without any plans
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that are putting American lives at risk and raising prices back at home.
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And so the folks here, you know, some of them are first-generation Coloradans.
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Some of them have been here for so long that they didn't cross the border.
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The border crossed them, which is an expression that's said a lot around these parts.
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And, you know, these are folks that want to live out that American dream for themselves and their family, but they keep running into roadblocks because of this administration.
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You know, the numbers would tell us
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that there's been a big shift among Latino voters around Donald Trump
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and that some of that backlash is driving the possibility for candidates like yourself.
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Have you seen any of that play on the ground?
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If we could get specific, what is the ways in which the Trump administration has let these voters down?
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What have you heard?
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Yeah, I hear it all the time.
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I go to these in-person town halls across the district and folks tell me all the time, Manny, I feel like I've been lied to.
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Donald Trump and Gabe Evans said they were going to cut health care costs.
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And instead, they've gutted Medicaid and the Affordable Care Act.
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They said they were going to cut gas prices.
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And instead, they've started this forever war in Iran, raised gas prices.
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And, you know, the same is true on the groceries front.
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Donald Trump ran on saying groceries a thousand times everywhere he went.
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And now he's raising grocery prices with these tariff policies.
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And it's chaotic.
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It's terrible for business.
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I think that folks are really furious right now because they feel like they've been lied to.
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And Donald Trump and Gabe Evans have made their life more difficult, not better.
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Yeah, that certainly matches what we've heard this backlash driven principally by people being upset about the kitchen table itself.
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But I wanted to know, is that how it looks from your campaign events on the ground?
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Like if we could think of a percentage, how much time do you spend talking about Donald Trump and, you know, folks upset at what he's doing versus how much time do you spend talking about the Democratic agenda
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and what Democrats would do if they took over Congress?
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Yeah, well, you know, the Democratic agenda is about lowering costs, fighting for working people.
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But of course, Donald Trump and his sort of the lapdogs in the Republican Party right now are just going completely along.
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And my congressman, even though he's in the swing district, he's not distinguishing himself at all from the Trump administration, which is kind of unique.
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it's a mixture of talking about both the affordability message
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that we want to bring and also tying my congressman to the fact that he is 100% with Trump every single time.
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Yeah, yeah.
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It's both and not either or particularly, it seems, because it's a battleground district where Trump is at the center.
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But I wanted to ask about your kind of journey personally.
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I read that you were a passionate animal rights advocate who once said veganism was a solution to food costs.
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And people identified that with the core of your political advocacy, but I just saw a campaign ad of you eating a carne asada taco.
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I wanted to ask what about that journey shifted for you?
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When did you start eating meat?
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Why?
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You know, the truth is that I don't think that a lot of Coloradans really care what's on my plate.
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They care about being able to afford what's on theirs.
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But the truth is that I've been eating meat for many, many years.
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And I think that what Donald Trump and Gabe Evans are trying to do
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when they talk about me or this issue is they're trying to distract from the fact
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that they are raising costs on groceries through tariff policies and also with this Iran war.
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Yeah, I guess I wasn't asking because the Republicans have brought that up.
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I was asking because I saw you at the truck.
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I was saying, I was just thinking like, you know, there had to be maybe something there that brought y'all to that moment.
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Even on that point, you know, one of the things that's come up
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when we talk about groups of Latino voters is a question about like whether progressivism
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or ideological focus lines up with those different groups.
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You know, that's been a focus of this Democratic midterm, some of which have been progressive candidates against more moderate centrist ones.
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You had a primary like that yourself.
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Do you identify with that side of the tent?
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I know the stories have called you a progressive insurgent.
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Is that how you think about yourself?
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You know, I mean, I don't wake up in the morning thinking, well, I'm glad I'm part of this wing and do it openly and think that that's a core part of their identity.
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Yeah, it isn't for me.
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You know, I'm interested in results.
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I'm not interested in like labels.
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I want to make sure that when I wake up, what I'm thinking about is how can I make life better for the people that I represent?
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And I do that by working across the aisle, across the political spectrum.
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I want to make sure that when I'm done with my job at the end of the legislative session, I can point to some series of bills,
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efforts, initiatives that I can say this made life better, easier, more affordable for the people of my district.
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That is my North Star.
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Okay.
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Well, let's ask about policy specifically.
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You told the Working Families Party that you supported a single-payer healthcare system when running for office, but recently told the Colorado Sun that you support exploring a public option.
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I wanted to ask about that shift.
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When did you stop supporting a single-payer system and why?
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Well, my values have been completely consistent throughout my entire political career.
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My values are around fighting for working people, making sure that they have the affordable, accessible healthcare that they need.
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And, you know, I've been having lots of conversations with folks and, you know, I think that a public health option alongside bringing back the Medicaid cuts
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and the Affordable Care Act cuts that Donald Trump
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and Gabe Evans have imposed on the folks of our district are the path to doing that.
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And for the Affordable Care Act, like if you go on the Colorado Health Marketplace website right now, and you're family of four, you can check this out,
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but a family of four went from paying $500 a month in 2025 to now $2,000 a month in 2026.
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I mean, can you imagine finding an additional $1,500 a month when you were barely able to make ends meet?
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I mean, it's unconscionable.
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And so I'm trying to bring back those programs and make sure
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that we have a public health option that competes alongside private insurances and brings down the cost for everybody.
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Yeah.
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And I hear that, but you know, you did kind of make clear that you supported a different version of that system.
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So I guess I'm wondering what changed?
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Is this something realizing what's more politically possible?
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Is this, you know, I can see how the values can stay consistent, but the policy is different.
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So I'm just asking what shifted.
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Yeah.
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I mean, like I said, I'm able to have lots of conversations as a state legislator, as a candidate with folks here on the ground and at the doors and at town halls,
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what folks are looking for.
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And what they're looking for is someone who's fighting to lower healthcare costs.
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And I think that the best way to do
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that is by bringing in the cuts that Donald Trump
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and Gabe Evans have done to Medicaid and the Affordable Care Act and bringing in this public health option.
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There's other things too that I want to advocate for.
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I think that Medicare should have the negotiating power to bring down the costs of prescription medications,
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which would save hundreds of billions of dollars from the pockets of our seniors while also our deficit and our debt.
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And so I think that there's a lot of other policies we can do to lower health care costs.
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That's what I'm interested in.
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I do.
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I keep going back to that WFP questionnaire because I do think it exemplifies something that we get questions a lot about, which is how do politicians come to their decisions
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if they believe one thing at one time and then maybe shift on this?
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How do they explain it or what's the reasons why one policy becomes a different one?
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I mean, I've pointed out some of the things that we saw on that list on health care, but there were a couple others about previously supporting a ban on fracking and then reversing on that.
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Are those shifts real?
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Or I'm saying, can you help me explain what gives us from point A to point B?
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Yeah.
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Well, first off, a lot of folks are ideological on a lot of issues.
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I'm a pragmatist.
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I want to make sure that we get to the best solution.
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I was an economist with the U.S.
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Army Corps of Engineers.
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Once I get into Congress, I will be the only member of Congress with a graduate degree in economics.
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I have a background in science as well.
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And the way that I approach issues is by looking at the best evidence.
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I'm interested in going forward and making sure that we are supporting the best policies.
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And what I do every single day is talk to folks across the political spectrum, all of my constituents.
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I knock on tons of doors.
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I've hosted so many town halls as a state legislator
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and have gone to so many town halls across the 8th Congressional District to learn what folks are thinking about.
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And I take all that and I take the best data and evidence available.
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And I use that to fight for working people.
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That's what I've always done.
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That's what I want to do in Congress.
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I mean, I want to end where we started.
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You talked about being in and running in one of the most Latino districts in the country, particularly on the battleground front.
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And it does seem as
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if the expansion of this demographic group is challenging both parties in terms of assumptions they had about people that weren't correct.
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Bust up those assumptions for us.
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Can you tell us how you think the rise of a population of folks
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that you are seeking to represent may shift some of the ways we've previously thought about politics?
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Yeah, well, I think a lot of folks in the Latino community are really emphasizing the issues around the kitchen table.
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That's what I hear all the time is that they want Democrats to focus on the kitchen table issues to lower costs, to make sure that they've got good paying jobs.
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And that is why we're so laser focused on those issues.
384
We want to make sure that folks feel like when I'm in Congress, that I'm fighting every single day to lower the cost of groceries, lower the cost of gas, housing.
385
That's what I think the Latino community here is looking for.
386
They also, you know, I think are looking for folks that represent them, that understand their language, understand their culture.
387
You know, there's there's little things that you sort of pick up while you're in the culture.
388
Give us a secret.
389
How do politicians mess up when they're in communities like this?
390
because they don't know the right cultural thing
391
or they're not deferential in the right way or they just don't know how to enter into those spaces.
392
Is there a way that you have seen that play out in politics or have learned some of those rules yourself?
393
You know, I think folks really appreciate
394
that I'm able to speak in fluent Spanish to them
395
and show them that level of connection and respect to their native tongue so that they, you know, can speak directly to me in the ways that they feel most comfortable.
396
And so I'm looking to use things like that in terms of the specific dynamics, I know it when I see it.
397
Yeah, yeah, yeah.
398
It's like the water I swim in.
399
I was trying to get some clues, you know.
400
Yeah.
401
I appreciate your time.
402
I'm former state representative Vandy Rutnell and congressional candidate.
403
Thank you for coming on the show.
404
And we appreciate you.
405
Thanks so much.
406
Okay, so a few takeaways.
407
One, there's still too little attention being paid to this all-important voting group.
408
Latinos aren't just growing in numbers.
409
They're up for grabs and they increasingly define the most important elections in this country.
410
Candidates and parties are still treating them as an afterthought, and that's to their own detriment.
411
Also, there's nothing at odds between progressive policies and Latino voters.
412
Eckes found that voters in this group, like many others, are looking for bold solutions and political creativity.
413
They're disenchanted with the old ways of politics because it hasn't served them.
414
But I'm not sure that candidate Manny Routinil can necessarily be described as bold.
415
He backed off on several progressive policy positions, and in our interview, he really didn't have an answer as to why.
416
I think this speaks to another strategy that we often see in midterm elections.
417
Keep your head down, stay out of controversy, and make sure this November is all about the unpopularity of Donald Trump.
418
America Actually will be in your feeds every Saturday with an interesting interview in politics or culture.
419
And you can, of course, listen to America Actually wherever you get your podcasts or in the Today Explained feed.
420
If you want to learn more about our reporting and dig a little deeper into our episodes, sign up for my weekly midterms newsletter, Midterms Actually.
421
Just go to vox.com slash midterms actually to learn more.
422
That's vox.com slash midterms actually.
423
I'll see you there.
424
and cue the music.

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אוצר מילים והערות הגייה לשיעור הזה

שיעור הדיבור הזה ברמה B2 מבוסס על הסרטון “Why Latino voters have turned on Trump”. המילים שחוזרות הכי הרבה: Latino, voter, Trump. בסרטון הזה יש 424 משפטים ו-5634 מילים לתרגול Shadowing. הדיבור נמשך 29:50. הדובר מדבר מהר, כ-189 מילים בדקה, אז צפו לצלילים מחוברים ומקוצרים. 83% מהמילים נמצאות בין 3,000 המילים הנפוצות ביותר באנגלית; כדאי ללמוד את השאר לפני שמתחילים.

אוצר מילים מרכזי בסרטון הזה

15 המילים המתקדמות ביותר בסרטון, עם ההגייה והמשמעות שלהן:

מילההגייהמשמעות
voter שם עצם/ˈvoʊtɚ/מַצְבִּיעַ, בּוֹחֵר
translate פועל/tɹænzˈleɪt/תִּרְגֵּם
deportation שם עצם/diːˌpɔːˈteɪʃən/גירוש
groceries שם עצם/ˈɡɹoʊ.s(ə.)ɹiz/מִצְרָכִים, קְנִיּוֹת
demographic שם תואר/ˌdɛm.əˈɡɹæf.ɪk/דֵּמוֹגְרָפִי
tariff שם עצם/ˈtæɹəf/תעריף
consume פועל/kənˈsum/צרך
assumption שם עצם/əˈsʌm(p).ʃ(ə)n/השערה hash'ará, הנחה hanakhá
chaotic שם תואר/keɪˈɑtɪk/כָּאוֹטִי
attribute שם עצם/ˈæt.ɹɪˌbjut/לוואי, לְוַאי
vocabulary שם עצם/vəˈkæb.jə.lə.ɹi/אוֹצַר מִלִּים
clarify פועל/ˈklæɹ.ɪ.faɪ/הבהיר
onion שם עצם/ˈʌn.jən/בָּצָל
prescription שם עצם/pɹəˈskɹɪp.ʃən/מִרְשָׁם
disappointment שם עצם/ˌdɪsəˈpɔɪntmənt/אכזבה

Phrasal verbs שתשמעו

מילההגייהמשמעות
go down פועלירד
grow up פועלגָּדַל
pick up פועלהרים, אסף
wake up פועל/ˌweɪk ˈʌp/התעורר

משפטים שכדאי לחזור עליהם

משפטים קצרים ושלמים מהסרטון שאפשר להשתמש בהם בשיחה יומיומית:

  • You're also seeing it among younger people.
  • Does your research bear any of that out?
  • When did you start eating meat?
  • Do you identify with that side of the tent?
  • Is that how you think about yourself?

דקדוק בסרטון הזה

המבנים שהדובר משתמש בהם הכי הרבה, עם המילים המדויקות מהסרטון:

מבנהבסרטון
הווה מושלם ממושך (Present perfect continuous) have/has been + -ing — פעולה שהתחילה בעבר ועדיין נמשכת עכשיוI've been eating · I've been having
הווה מושלם (Present perfect) have/has + past participle — פעולה שקרתה בעבר ועדיין יש לה חשיבות או השפעה עכשיוhave turned · have seen · has called
סביל (Passive voice) be + past participle — הדגש הוא על מה שקורה, לא על מי שעושה את הפעולהshould be called · was paid · is set
משפטי זיקה (Relative clauses) who / which + clause — מידע נוסף על אדם או דברWisconsin, which is · people who speak · people who have

הגייה ששווה לשים לב אליה

הדובר משתמש ב-94 קיצורים וצורות מקוצרות, כמו I'm, they're, don't. אמרו אותם בצורה הקצרה, כפי שאתם שומעים אותם.

  • הצלילים של “sh” ו-“zh”: deportation /diːˌpɔːˈteɪʃən/, congressional /kəŋˈɡɹɛ.ʃə.nəl/, backlash /ˈbækˌlæʃ/, assumption /əˈsʌm(p).ʃ(ə)n/, distinction /dɪˈstɪŋkʃən/
  • מילים ארוכות — שימו לב להטעמה: electorate /ɪˈlɛktəɹət/, deportation /diːˌpɔːˈteɪʃən/, ideological /ˌaɪ.di.əˈlɑ.d͡ʒɪ.kəl/, demographic /ˌdɛm.əˈɡɹæf.ɪk/, congressional /kəŋˈɡɹɛ.ʃə.nəl/

צלילים שדוברי עברית מתקשים בהם:

  • /w/ — שפתיים מעוגלות, לא /v/: underwater /ʌndɚˈwɔtəɹ/, workforce /ˈwɝk.foɹs/
  • /æ/ — פתוח יותר מה-“אֶ” העברית, לא כמו “a” ב-“cup”: translate /tɹænzˈleɪt/, battleground /ˈbætəlˌɡɹaʊnd/, demographic /ˌdɛm.əˈɡɹæf.ɪk/, tariff /ˈtæɹəf/, backlash /ˈbækˌlæʃ/
  • /r/ — הלשון לא נוגעת בשום מקום, לא ה-“ר” הגרונית: electorate /ɪˈlɛktəɹət/, translate /tɹænzˈleɪt/, battleground /ˈbætəlˌɡɹaʊnd/, groceries /ˈɡɹoʊ.s(ə.)ɹiz/, demographic /ˌdɛm.əˈɡɹæf.ɪk/

איך לתרגל עם הסרטון הזה

  1. הקשיבו לכל הסרטון פעם אחת בלי לדבר, ורשמו את המילים שאתם לא מכירים.
  2. התחילו במהירות 0.75×, תרגלו Shadowing משפט אחר משפט, וחזרו למהירות רגילה כשזה מרגיש קל.
  3. הקליטו את עצמכם והשוו למקור, תוך תשומת לב למילים כמו voter, translate, deportation.

מהי טכניקת השאדואינג?

שאדואינג היא טכניקת למידת שפה מבוססת מדע שפותחה במקור להכשרת מתורגמנים מקצועיים ופופולרית על ידי הפוליגלוט ד"ר אלכסנדר ארגואלס. השיטה פשוטה אך עוצמתית: אתה מקשיב לאודיו באנגלית ילידית וחוזר עליו בקול רם מיד — כמו צל העוקב אחרי הדובר עם עיכוב של 1–2 שניות בלבד. בניגוד להאזנה פסיבית או תרגילי דקדוק, שאדואינג מכריח את המוח והשרירים בפה לעבד ולשחזר דפוסי דיבור אמיתיים בו זמנית. מחקרים מראים שזה משפר משמעותית את דיוק ההגייה, האינטונציה, הקצב, הדיבור המחובר, הבנת השמיעה ושטף הדיבור — מה שהופך אותו לאחת השיטות היעילות ביותר להכנה לIELTS Speaking ולתקשורת באנגלית בעולם האמיתי.

טכניקת Shadowing: קרא את המדריך המלא שלב אחר שלב →